Teachers of this kind are not, of course, quite sufficient in number to fill up all the positions in all schools; so that the want, for instance, of a.s.sistants of minor importance is filled up by those to whom certificates are given on certain examination for qualification to take up such position. And, moreover, teachers of some special subject, for instance, drawing, or cutting and sewing, are appointed from amongst those who hold special certificates from the proper authorities. I may here add, that a system of additional emolument for long services and pensions on retirement of teachers, to the local funds of which the state contributes a certain quota, was promulgated some fifteen years ago, as an inducement for their devotion.
Rigidity of physical training, in the way of privation and hardship, has become a thing of the past. But in its place physical training of a sportive and gymnastic character, after the Western style, is much practised. To this, in the case of boys, training of a military character (_jiujitsu_, fencing, and military drill and manuvre) has been added in the case of higher grades. This begins from Higher Primary Schools, varying according to age. The credit of the introduction of military drill and manuvres into our schools and colleges is due to the late Viscount Mori, who was at one time j.a.panese Minister in London.
Moreover, school children are often taken out by their teachers for so-called "distant excursions"; and, in the case of the higher grades, this often takes place during summer vacation for many days or weeks, in the shape of camping out and manuvring, or of round trips to places of historic interest, something like a pilgrimage. Such trips of Large numbers of students, which are called "educational excursions," are personally conducted by the masters.
I do not propose here to describe in detail the curriculum of the Primary Schools, still less those of all inst.i.tutions of higher grades, as this would only weary my readers. All these curricula are in the main similar to those of the Western nations. There is, however, one branch of which they would like me to say something: it is the teaching of morality. In former days in j.a.pan, moral teaching meant more than half of education. Even under the altered circ.u.mstances of recent time, this notion is still kept very vividly. Especial stress in this respect, however, is laid in Primary Schools. One thing noticeable is, that with us the morality taught in the public schools is entirely secular. Some vague notion of heaven or of a supreme being or G.o.ds, in a vague sense, might occur here and there in the course of it; but morality never has any colour of a religious, still less of a denominational character. The main principle of morality is laid down in an Imperial injunction commonly called the "Imperial Educational Rescript," which is reverenced by teacher and student alike; but, besides this, there are several text-books, based upon the principles laid down in the Rescript, and written in a style to suit the requirements of the grades, indeed, of each cla.s.s, on a progressive method. The ent.i.ty of the Rescript and the text-books form an embodiment of practical ethics ill.u.s.trated by practical examples. They teach how to be honest, how to be straightforward, how to be loyal, how to be patriotic, to honour one"s parents, to be truthful to friends, and suchlike. On this point, however, I must refer my readers to my article ent.i.tled "Moral Teaching of j.a.pan," in which I have given a detailed account of the subject.[2]
Nevertheless, I may add a few words. In j.a.pan all virtues are mainly viewed as a point of duty of those upon whom the conduct of those virtues is inc.u.mbent. Thus to be loyal to the emperor is the duty of a subject; to be patriotic is the duty of a citizen to his country; truthfulness is the duty of a friend; and reverence is the duty of a child to its parents; and so on.
In teaching morality to children, the sense of duty is constantly kept in view. Then again, in Oriental ethics the term "name" has an important bearing. It may often be translated as "fame"; but it has in reality a wider and more pious signification. We have a proverb: "Tigers leave skins behind when dead, and men leave (or should leave) names." Here the term "name" may certainly be translated as "fame"; but we often say that "we must not disgrace the name," meaning that we must not disgrace ourselves or our family by committing any unworthy action. In j.a.pan, to acquire fame and not disgrace one"s family name are concurrent thoughts.
Fame does not mean a satisfaction of vanity. The trend of thought is something like this "Do not commit any bad act, for it will disgrace your name, which is the greatest shame to one"s self and to one"s family. If your name shines out, so much the better, as it is a sure sign that you have behaved well or have done something good, something worthy of yourself, your family, or your ancestors; but to seek notoriety out of mere vanity is despicable, for it is not good conduct and does not deserve a good name," This notion of "name" permeates very widely in our idea of morality, which fact will explain many cases wherein a j.a.panese prefers death to life. Perhaps the word "honour" may convey the nearer meaning of the word "name"; in fact, the Western word "honour" is generally translated in j.a.panese by a combination of the words name and fame, as "Meiyo." This notion of "name" is impressed in one way or other upon the minds of our youths from childhood, that is to say, from their days of elementary education; and it exercises a great influence in after life.
[1] _The Independent Review_, August 1905.
[2] See _The Risen Sun_.
III
ANGLO-FRENCH DIPLOMACY IN j.a.pAN FORTY YEARS AGO[1]
It is now some forty years ago since there took place in j.a.pan some very interesting episodes of English and French diplomacy, which are little known to the Western public.
It was during the last days of the Shogunate and before the restoration of the Imperial regime. The Western powers with whom j.a.pan had treaty relations were still few in number at that time. The princ.i.p.al of them were: The United States of America, England and France. Holland, though secondary, as she is, had some semblance of equality with the others from the fact that she was a nation which had had commercial relations with us for a longer time than they. Russia and Germany were already in treaty relations with us also, but in the practical sphere of diplomacy they had not played much part. It was England and France who displayed the greatest activity in that sphere. They were both represented by very interesting characters: England by Sir Harry Parkes and France by Leon Roches. It is needless to comment on what an interesting character Sir Harry Parkes was, as doubtless his biography is well known to my readers. I will give here, however, a concise outline of his life.
At the early age of fourteen years he was attached to an English consulate in China. He soon acquired the Chinese tongue, and his extraordinary activity and ability gave him good chances of advancing his position. At the time of the Anglo-French expedition to Peking he was attached to the English army, and many adventurous and romantic incidents are told about him in connection with it. After that expedition he was made English Consul-General at Shanghai, and soon afterwards transferred to j.a.pan as minister, in succession to Sir Rudford Alc.o.c.k. Sir Harry may be regarded as an adventurer.
Leon Roches was of a similar character; he began his career in Algeria in a most adventurous and romantic manner. He was subsequently made French agent in Tunis and thence was transferred to j.a.pan, as minister, by Napoleon III. It was through his influence that France succeeded in drawing the Shogun"s government into her confidence. Military instructors were sent from France, the Yokosuka dockyard was constructed with French materials, a young brother of the Shogun was sent a little later on to Paris, where he stayed for many years as the favourite of the court of Napoleon. In other words, French influence was paramount in Yedo, the present Tokio, the site of the Shogun"s government.
Parkes arrived in j.a.pan at that juncture. In the Crimean war, England and France, needless to say, were allies; so also were they in the Chinese war. At home the Courts of St. James" and that of the Tuileries were on intimate terms. Besides, in j.a.pan, their interests, broadly speaking, were identical, and, therefore, their policy did not diverge very much, as far as their national interests were concerned, and yet their views concerning the domestic politics of j.a.pan presented a marked difference. It was the time when, as every one knows, j.a.pan was divided into two camps of public opinion. On one side the Shogunate partisans and on the other the Imperialists, amongst whom Chosiu was the most prominent. France sided with the Shogunates, whilst England gradually gave her sympathy to the Imperialists. Several reasons seem to have existed in connection therewith. At home, though Napoleon was apparently still at the height of his power, he seems to have felt the necessity of making some pompous display of power abroad, in order to appease the growing discontent among the people. Leon Roches was just the sort of man who would have done things which would suit Napoleon"s secret designs, and therefore, when the conflict between the Shogunate and the Imperialists reached an acute state, it is said that France offered to help the Shogunate with her money and even with her military forces. On the other hand England, or rather Harry Parkes, thought that the Imperial cause was more just, and, therefore, deserved more sympathy.
It is now pretty well known to Western readers that, though in the administrative authorities the Shogunate appeared potent, in the question of the legitimacy of the t.i.tle, that is to say, the sovereignty, the Imperial court was viewed as the only lawful head by the j.a.panese in general, nay, it was so in the point of fact. But in those days, foreigners used to say and to think that the emperor was only the spiritual head and the Shogun was the temporal chief of j.a.pan, and they were unable to see what turning movements were approaching, the result of which would be the restoration of the Imperial authority and the consolidation of the country under one single head in the person of the emperor, as the sovereign _de facto_ as well as _de jure_. It was only natural for onlookers to fail to penetrate such matters, and Leon Roches, sagacious as he was, was unable to differ from others. With Harry Parkes the case was different. He had grown up in the Far East: he was well acquainted with the Chinese ideographs; he understood Oriental thought contained in books and doc.u.ments, written with those ideographs.
Besides, several of his countrymen already in j.a.pan had kept keen observation of the true situation and had intercourse with several Imperialist patriots, and their counsel could not fail to be valuable to Sir Harry. He was soon able to realise the relative positions occupied in the organic composition of j.a.pan by the Imperial court and the Shogunate respectively. Thus the English policy, that is Parkes, came to differ from that of France, that is Leon Roches. Roches"s sympathy continued to be on the side of the Shogunate, even after the latter had suffered defeats, which may be shown by the fact that when Admiral Enomoto left the Bay of Yedo with his fleets after the submission of the Shogun and went to Hakodate, several French military instructors went with him. It is true they left the troops of Enomoto before the latter was brought to submission, but they would not have gone with him at all if the French representative had ceased to sympathise with the Shogunate"s cause. Roches"s influence had been gradually eclipsed by that of Parkes. It is imaginable, however, that should the advisers of the Shogunate have accepted Roches"s offer as to money and forces, the course of the history of j.a.pan might have presented some difference, although the ultimate end would have been just the same. Nevertheless, thanks to the loyalty and patriotism, before which there is no difference of sentiment and opinion amongst the j.a.panese, no countenance had been given to the policy of Roches by the Shogunate, which preferred its own downfall rather than an acceptance of foreign a.s.sistance.
As to Parkes, although his sympathies were elsewhere than with the Shogunate from the beginning, officially speaking he was a minister accredited to the court of the Shogunate. Nevertheless, he had sufficient foresight how to protect English interests, and, moreover, several other causes made him incline towards the Imperial court.
A year or two before, Ito and Inouye returned from England to Chosiu.
They were thoroughly changed from fierce anti-foreign partisans to pro-foreign propagandists. On account of this visit to and return from England, they became acquainted with several Englishmen who were then in j.a.pan, such as Lowder, Glover, and Satow. When they, together with Takasugi and Yamagata and others, revolted against the then government of Chosiu, which temporarily had gained the power and favoured more conciliatory policy with the Shogunate, and established a new one in defiance of the Shogunate, Takasugi held an opinion that the time would soon come when the question of Chosiu _versus_ the Shogunate would become one of j.a.pan _versus_ Western nations, and that it would be better for him to prepare himself for the future eventuality, leaving domestic affairs in the hands of his friends. He communicated this idea to his intimate friends, Ito and Inouye, who agreed with him. He asked Ito to accompany him. Together they left their homeland of Chosiu and went to Nagasaki with the full intention of going to Europe, which would be the second voyage for Ito and the first for Takasugi, though the latter had once been abroad as far as Shanghai a few years before.
This was just the time when Parkes was appointed English minister and expected to arrive at j.a.pan from Shanghai before long. At Nagasaki, Takasugi and Ito met with Glover and Lowder. They were told by them that Parkes was a person of interesting character, and that by effecting communication with him some great work might be done. Besides, they were told, it was not time for them to leave their home for Europe. Time was important, and it would be far more interesting if they were, for instance, to take up a plan for opening Shimonoseki to foreign trade.
They agreed and returned to Chosiu. In no time the government of the Shogun despatched the second expedition to Chosiu, and war commenced, the result of which was a total repulse of the Shogunate troops.
Here I must say something about Satsuma. Kagoshima, the capital of Satsuma, had been bombarded by the English fleet a few years before.
When peace was made, some kind of friendship began to be felt between the English and Satsuma men. Several young and promising Samurai of Satsuma repeatedly visited Nagasaki, and in one way or another they were also acquainted with the Englishmen whom Ito knew. Before the war with the Shogunate, Ito went to Nagasaki several times, chiefly for purchasing war materials, but it may be presumed that a good deal of diplomatic conversation took place between him and the Englishmen as well as Satsuma men. From these circ.u.mstances, and also from the circ.u.mstances which brought Sakamoto of Tosa into close contact with Ito and his friends, an understanding soon began to grow between Satsuma and Chosiu, which ultimately resulted in their secret alliance. In the course of a few years the tide of events turned greatly in favour of the Imperialists, and the Shogunate at last came to an end.
Soon after the battle of Fushimi no time was lost in intimating at the initiation of Ito the restoration of the Imperial Government to foreign representatives, who were at the time staying at Osaka. It may be presumed that an early acceptance of this situation was largely due to an understanding existing previously between the English representative and the Chosiu and Satsuma, through such men as Ito, Inouye of Chosiu and G.o.dai and Komatsu of Satsuma who were also frequenters of Nagasaki.
Soon after that event the first audience was given at the Imperial Palace of Kioto to English and French ministers. At that time there were still many anti-foreign fanatics: on the way taken by Parkes from his quarters in a temple to the Imperial Palace, he was attacked by a fanatic. Several of his mounted English escort were injured. Goto and Nakai, whose names are well known in j.a.pan, were escorting Parkes. They did their utmost in defending him, and killed the a.s.sa.s.sin on the spot, in consequence of which Nakai received severe injuries on his forehead.
Parkes returned to his quarters; it was a critical moment for the Imperial cause. Ito was at the Palace: it was his duty to introduce the ministers to the emperor. Roches arrived at the Palace, but not Parkes.
Presently a note addressed to the French minister came from Parkes, and also the tidings of the occurrence. Ito put the note into his pocket for a moment and told Roches to have his audience first, because it was no use to wait for Parkes. The audience ended and the note was handed to Roches, but it was too late for him to say anything. As to Parkes, Ito and others found no great difficulty in pacifying him, especially because the sincerity of the Government was demonstrated by the action of Goto and Nakai. Parkes had an audience of the emperor next day; and thus the foreign relations between the Imperial court and those of the Treaty Powers were formally established.
Thus we see that France once backed a wrong horse, but it was not in any way due to her fault. We have soon entirely forgiven and forgotten, nay more, good friendship soon began to be felt between the two nations.
Military instructors, as well as jurists, were invited from France. The army was organised and distributed after the French system. The Code Napoleon was studied and translated into j.a.panese. The French language was studied in the schools. Even a special school was inst.i.tuted by the Government for studying the French language and law. Of recent years, I am sorry to notice things have not gone so satisfactorily. Some sorts of coldness of feeling have entered between the two countries, compared with the Anglo-Saxon races. It is natural enough that there should exist more sympathy between j.a.pan and England and America, because the latter two have a far more extensive intercourse with us--the greatest number of foreign residents in j.a.pan being first English, next American. And yet I do not see why French and j.a.panese friendship should not be restored to the warmth of former days, or indeed be made warmer than in those days. Let us hope France does not repeat too often her errors of backing wrong horses--for on our part we have no thought of remembering long other people"s errors which may be committed against us.
[1] _L"Europeen_, July 15, 1905.
IV
SKETCHES OF SOME CHIEF FIGURES OF ACTUAL j.a.pAN
ITO, YAMAGATA, INOUYe, MATSUKATA, KATSURA, Ok.u.mA, SAIONJI
It is impossible to give a comprehensive account of the lives of these personages, because to do so would be to write a history of j.a.pan of the last half century. I will, however, give you the chief points.
Marquis Ito is considered by common consent of the j.a.panese as the greatest statesman of j.a.pan at this moment; there is scarcely a single political inst.i.tution of modern j.a.pan in which he has not shared the initiation. Many people in the West call him the "Maker of New j.a.pan,"
and it is not far from fact. In other words, I may say that the greatest service which he has rendered to j.a.pan is her Europeanisation, for it has been done more by his efforts than by those of any other. It is, however, a remarkable fact that he was in his youth one of the most ardent partic.i.p.ators of the anti-foreign party. Not quite fifty years ago, when but a young man of seventeen or eighteen, j.a.pan was in a state of internal commotion; the country was divided into two camps of opinion, one pro-foreign, and the other anti-foreign. The Prince of Chosiu belonged to the latter. There were many young men in Chosiu who were ardent in the anti-foreign propaganda, and young Ito was one of them. It was they who occasionally tried to attack foreigners, and on one occasion actually set fire to the buildings just completed to be used as foreign legations. Most of these young men were pupils of Yoshida Shoin, who was known as a pioneer of the new Imperial regime which resulted in the unification of j.a.pan under one single sovereign, and therefore is sometimes compared with Mazzini of Italy. Shoin held anti-foreign sentiments and imbued the men of his day with his views.
But it must not be understood that Shoin was an anti-foreign _a outrance_, because we can see from his writings that his views were not opposed to foreign intercourse altogether, but he did not like the manner in which the Europeans forced their way into the Far East in those days. In one of his essays he states "let us first consolidate the empire and then let us send our amba.s.sador, say, for example, to San Francisco, and there conclude a treaty."
His primary object was to restore the Imperial authority to its ancient condition, and thus consolidate the empire. However it may be, the fact remains that Chosiu was the foremost of the feudal clans who adopted the anti-foreign action. Even at that time, however, there were some even in Chosiu who had the foresight to make some "live machines," as they called the young men of talent who were to meet future necessities when the empire might ultimately be opened to the West, and some of the young men referred to above also saw the necessity of making of themselves such machines. In consequence of this, five young men of Chosiu sailed to England contrary to the then existing prohibition of the Shogun government Two of these five were the present Marquis Ito and Count Inouye. They got on board an English ship at Yokohama, with some difficulty and risk, of course. At Shanghai they separated. Ito and Inouye went on board one sailing vessel and the other three on board another. They knew little English then. One of the words they knew was navigation. On board the English ship Ito and Inouye told the captain of the vessel that they wished to learn navigation, and he set them to work as common sailors. They all reached London after several months" voyage round the Cape of Good Hope. I may here mention that Yoshida Shoin, when Commodore Perry came to the coast of Uraga, had tried to get on board one of his ships and be taken to America in order that he might personally see the Western countries, but was refused, and in consequence he suffered imprisonment on account of his venturesome attempt. It is, however, mentioned in _Perry"s Expedition_, commenting on Shoin"s attempt very favourably, that "a nation which produces such a youth had a great future before it." Of course, Yoshida"s name was not then known to Americans, and they, therefore, knew nothing of his character. Regarding this incident, we may say that the five youths who left j.a.pan in the above manner were in a measure fulfilling the cherished desire of Shoin.
Ito and Inouye soon perceived what kind of people the Western nations were and what kind of civilisation they possessed. In the meantime the internal commotion of j.a.pan accelerated to a very acute degree. The troops of Chosiu bombarded several European merchantmen in the strait of Shimonoseki from their fortifications, and soon afterwards some troops were sent from Chosiu to Kioto, where much political complication prevailed at the time, between the partisans of the Shogunate and Chosiu. When the news of the bombardment of Shimonoseki reached England, Ito and Inouye thought that anti-foreign policy would be futile, and that it would be better to devote the national energy more to the internal consolidation of the empire. To this end they determined to go back to j.a.pan in order to persuade their Prince and government to their newly acquired views, and on leaving the other three behind in England, they told them to finish their education so that they might realise their hope of becoming "live machines."
The history of what they did when they reached j.a.pan is recorded in the contemporary diplomatic doc.u.ments of England and some other countries, and also in some English books on j.a.pan, so I need not dwell upon it here. I may, however, state that they ultimately reached Chosiu with much difficulty, having been first conveyed to an island near Chosiu by an English man-of-war. Just at that time the troops of Chosiu, which had been stationed in the neighbourhood of Kioto for some months, fought against the troops under the Shogunate and were defeated. In the meantime, the combined fleets of England, France, the United States, and Holland, made their entry into the straits of Shimonoseki. Before the youthful Ito and Inouye had succeeded in persuading their Prince and compatriots to adopt pro-foreign policy, Shimonoseki was bombarded.
Peace was concluded, which was greatly due to the endeavours of Ito and Inouye and their bosom friend Takasugi. Soon after the Shogun government decided on an invasion of Chosiu, and surrounded it on all sides with the troops of the Shogunate under its immediate command, and also those of the feudal lords who were partisans of the Shogunate. The government of Chosiu underwent a crisis, and a more moderate party, which did not approve the daring policy of the previous government, came into power.
Many members and supporters of the previous government were ordered to put an end to their lives, and submission was made to the Shogunate.
Inouye had been attacked by a.s.sa.s.sins shortly before, and lay in a dying condition resulting from several wounds which he had received. Takasugi, who was on the point of being arrested, fled to Chikuzen. Ito remained in Shimonoseki, where his services were indispensable to the government of the town on account of the constant calls of foreign vessels, but he was daily in danger of a.s.sa.s.sination.
In the meantime there arose some difference amongst the partisans of the Shogunate, by reason of one section thinking that the terms imposed upon Chosiu for its submission were too lenient, and therefore would be injurious to the prestige of the Shogunate, and they insisted on recommencing war operations.
It was a critical time for Chosiu. It was then that Takasugi returned from Chikuzen and determined to revolt openly against the government of Chosiu. At that moment Kawase had a group of voluntary soldiers under his command. Ito also had a certain number of like troops stationed in the neighbourhood of Shimonoseki, and these three with their troops uniting in one common cause, took possession of Shimonoseki in open defiance of the government. Almost simultaneously Yamagata and others, who had each a similar troop of soldiers under their command, openly revolted against the government. The leaders soon effected a junction and quickly defeated the partisans of the government, and thus Chosiu was made once more an open foe of the Shogunate. At that time Inouye recovered from his wounds, and he also, putting himself at the head of a large band of volunteer troops, took part in the civil strife within the clan which has just been mentioned. A little after this the forces of the Shogunate once more surrounded Chosiu, but they were all defeated by the spirited troops of Chosiu. The Shogunate now found its position very precarious. Before the war it had thought itself all-powerful, and had been of the opinion that Chosiu would simply be frightened at the sight of its troops, or if any battle were to be fought, one coup de main would be enough to crush the whole of Chosiu. But as events turned out, it was quite the contrary. There was much hesitation on the part of the Shogunate whether to push on the war or to make peace. It was powerless to continue fighting, but at the same time thought they would lose prestige by asking for peace. Affairs were then allowed to drift, which brewed discontent among its own partisans. In the meantime many powerful feudal clans, which the Shogunate regarded as friends and supporters, began to sympathise with Chosiu on account of its singleness of purpose and fidelity to chivalry. Among others, Satsuma went so far as to conclude a secret understanding with Chosiu against the Shogunate. In the course of a few years the Shogunate came to an end, after the battle of Fushimi, which was fought between the Imperialists and the partisans of the Shogunate. In this engagement Chosiu and Satsuma took the most important parts on the Imperial side. War still continued in the eastern and northern parts of j.a.pan for some time, the Imperialists being always triumphant. Thus the Imperial regime of our days was inaugurated.
During this state of transition, Ito, Inouye, and Yamagata played their parts in different capacities, the latter more as a soldier and the two former as politicians and diplomatists, I may here add a few words.
Takasugi died a little before the battle of Fushimi, without seeing the consummation of his cherished ideal, being not quite thirty years of age. Yoshida Shoin was the same age as his distinguished disciple when he was put to death some years before. Young men did wonderful things in those days. At the very beginning of the new government Ito was governor of Hiogo (Kobe), which was then with Yokohama the centre of foreign relations. It was then that he formulated and presented to the Imperial Government his plan for the future policy of the empire, the chief object of which was the unification of all systems, namely military, educational, economical, and suchlike. His views were regarded as being too radical at the time, but created some sensation and gave rise to the term "Hiogo opinion." Ito has continued practically ever since to occupy one or another, or even several high positions simultaneously in the Government. He made several trips to Europe and America. It was in 1871 that he went to America chiefly to investigate the banking systems of America, because it was thought that the economical system adopted by America after its civil war might be utilised by j.a.pan. Later on, in the same year, he visited America and Europe as one of the amba.s.sadors headed by Iwakura. On their return to j.a.pan the Korean question was at a climax. Most of the statesmen who had remained at home were for war, while those who had returned from Europe were for peace. As the result of this difference of opinion the formation of the cabinet was modified.
The great Saigo and some others resigned, while Ito was appointed a cabinet minister with the _portefeuille_ of public works. It was the first great trial which the new Government had to undergo, but it managed to tide over the difficulties. Okubo was now the backbone of the new Government, and Ito his chief collaborator. The administration of the j.a.panese Government was now carried on more and more on the lines of Western enlightenment. In 1875 a j.a.panese gunboat was fired at off the Korean coast. Early next year an emba.s.sy, with the late Count Kuroda as chief and Count Inouye as second, was sent to Korea to settle the matter. It was then that I accepted for the first time governmental service, and went to Korea as a member of the staff. We concluded a treaty of peace with Korea and made her open the country to foreign trade: we preferred peace to war.
In 1877 the civil war of Satsuma broke out, in which the great Saigo was made by the rebels their chief. During the struggle Okubo and Ito were the strong supports of the Government, whilst the command of the Imperial troops at the front was chiefly in the hands of Yamagata. I may perhaps mention that during the first half of the war I contributed my services to the Government in a pure civil capacity, and during the latter half of the war was attached to Yamagata"s staff. The war lasted nearly nine months, with the result that the rebellion was suppressed and the new regime of the progressive administration was placed on a firmer basis.
In 1878 Okubo, who was then Minister of the Interior, was a.s.sa.s.sinated, and Ito succeeded to his place, not only as Minister of the Interior, but in his capacity of being the moving factor of the Government.
In 1882 Ito was despatched to Europe to study the const.i.tutional systems of the various governments, with a view to preparing a const.i.tution for j.a.pan; he returned home the next year. In 1884 another difficulty arose with regard to Korea and China. Early in 1885 Count Inouye was despatched to Korea, where he concluded a new treaty, and soon after Ito was despatched to China, where he concluded the well-known Tientsin treaty, which had a very important bearing upon Korea. In the latter part of that year a great reform was made in the administrative system, and Ito was appointed Minister President of the State. In 1888 Privy Council was inst.i.tuted, and Ito was appointed its President and his former office was taken by Count Kuroda. The first and most important task the council had before it was the elaboration of the Imperial Const.i.tution. The materials which it had to work upon was chiefly those which Ito had brought back from Europe, and which he had been maturing ever since his return. Early next year the Imperial Const.i.tution and the Imperial House Law, together with several other laws in connection with the const.i.tutional regime then in contemplation, were promulgated, with all solemnity and to the great joy of the whole nation. In 1890 the first session of the new Diet inst.i.tuted by the Const.i.tution met in Tokio, and Ito was appointed the first President of the House of Peers.
Since then he has held the post of Minister President of the State several times. It was during his premiership that the Sino-j.a.panese war took place ten years ago. Ito"s present post is President of the Privy Council. It may be said here that even when he is out of the cabinet, his influence is felt and his services are rendered to the state. There are a few persons who are called "elder statesmen," At present they are Ito, Inouye, Yamagata, Oyama, and Matsukata. Elder statesmanship is not an inst.i.tution recognised by a written law. It is a unique position, more of a personal nature, and therefore it cannot be called a council or a.s.sembly, but the members are collectively or individually taken into the emperor"s confidence. The privilege to this honour may only be looked for by those whose meritorious services to the state stand out above others, and the fact of their occupying such a position is contentedly acquiesced in by the general public. Ito is the princ.i.p.al of these elder statesmen. Another of Ito"s great services, was his constant endeavour during many years to keep harmony, in other words, prevent the oft-threatened conflict between men of different clans, especially those of Sutsuma and Chosiu, though few people are aware of that fact.
Such, as I have given it, is a brief sketch of Marquis Ito"s life, which necessarily brings in some of the general history of the time.