[1152] Sall, _Jug_. 98. 1.
[1153] Ibid. 97. 5 Denique Romani ... orbis facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.
[1154] Ibid. 98. 3.
[1155] Sall. _Jug_. 99. 1.
[1156] Pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere (Ibid. 100. 1). For the nature and growth of this tactical formation amongst the Romans see Marquardt _Staatsverw. ii. p. 423.
[1157] Sall. _Jug_. 101. 2.
[1158] It is possible that Jugurtha intentionally let his approach be known, so that the Romans might form in their usual battle order.
[1159] This force is not mentioned by Sall.u.s.t (Sall. _Jug_. 101. 5), but it seems implied in the junction of Bocchus with Volux.
[1160] Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur (Ibid. 101. 7).
[1161] Sall. _Jug_. 101. 9.
[1162] Oros. v. 15. 9 foll. This account in Orosius corresponds to nothing in Sall.u.s.t and is clearly drawn from other sources. The attempt of the Romans to storm Cirta (Section 10) must be a mistake, unless it refers to some earlier and unrecorded operation of the war. Some details of Section 14 bear a shadowy resemblance to points in the first of the recent battles described by Sall.u.s.t; but there are other details which make the identification impossible.
[1163] Hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent (Oros. v. 15. 16).
[1164] According to Sall.u.s.t (_Jug_. 102. 2.); but the fight which he describes may not have been the final battle. See p. 452.
[1165] Ibid. 102. 2.
[1166] Sall. _Jug_. 102. 5.
[1167] Ibid. 102. 12.
[1168] Cf. Sall. _Jug_. 80. 4. See p. 349.
[1169] Sall. _Jug_. 102. 15.
[1170] The headquarters were doubtless Cirta, to which we find Marius returning (Ibid. 104. 1); but shortly afterwards we find Sulla and the envoys coming to Cirta from a place which, according to one reading, is called Tucca (see p. 457). All the troops were probably not concentrated at Cirta, as Marius meant to quarter them in the coast-towns (Ibid. 100. 1).
[1171] Ibid. 103. 2.
[1172] Sall. _Jug_. 104. 3.
[1173] Ibid. 103. 7.
[1174] Sulla and the envoys were now at a place which variant readings make either Tucca or Utica (Ibid. 104. 1 Illosque et Sullam [ab Tucca _or_ Utica] venire jubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Utica). Utica is rendered improbable by its mention a few words later, although it is possible that the name of this town has been duplicated in the sentence.
If we keep Tucca, it cannot be Thugga (Dugga) in Numidia, which is some distance from the coast. It may be the town which Pliny (_Hist. Nat_. v.
2. 21) calls "oppidum Tucca inpositum mari et flumini Ampsagae".
[1175] It is possible that this armistice included Jugurtha as well, although this is not stated by Sall.u.s.t (Sall. _Jug_. 104. 2).
[1176] Ibid. 104. 5.
[1177] Sall. _Jug_. 105. 1.
[1178] Ibid. 106. 2.
[1179] Sall. _Jug_. 107, 1.
[1180] Sall. _Jug_. 107. 6. Cf. Plut. _Sulla_ 3.
[1181] Ibid. 108.
[1182] This is apparently the meaning of Sall.u.s.t (Ibid. 108. 1) when he describes Dabar as Ma.s.sugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere inpar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat).
[1183] Sall. _Jug_. 108. 3 Sed ego conperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse, multumque c.u.m animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro n.o.bis suasisse.
[1184] Ibid. 109, 2 Dicit se missum a consule. Marius was really proconsul.
[1185] Ibid. 110.
[1186] Sall. _Jug_. 111.
[1187] Sall. _Jug_. 111. 2
[1188] Ibid. 112. 1.
[1189] Haec Maurus sec.u.m ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus parum comperimus (Ibid. 113. 1).
[1190] This must have been the agreement, although Sall.u.s.t says only Eodem Numida c.u.m plerisque necessariis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit (Sall. _Jug_. 113. 6).
[1191] Ibid. 114. 3.
[1192] Gauda is called king in an inscription which gives the whole house of Juba II. The inscription (C.I.L. II. n. 3417) runs:--Regi Jubae reg(is) Jubae filio regi(s) Iempsalis n. regis Gau(dae) p.r.o.nepoti regis Masiniss(ae) p.r.o.nepotis nepoti IIvir quinq. patrono coloni (the _coloni_, who set up the inscription, having made Juba II IIvir quinquennalis _honoris causa_). The only doubt which affects the belief in Gauda"s succession arises from a pa.s.sage in Cic. _post Red. ad Quir_.
8. 20. Cicero here says (Marius) c.u.m parva navicula pervectus in Africam, quibus regna ipse dederat, ad eos inops supplexque venisset.
There can be no doubt that Marius fled to Hiempsal, not to Gauda. But it has been pointed out that Cicero"s expression is "ad eos," not "ad eum."
The plural probably refers to the whole "domus" of the monarch and would include both Gauda and Hiempsal. See Biereye _Res Numidarum et Maurorum_ p. 7.
[1193] Mauretania subsequently includes the region of Caesariensis, but it has been thought probable that the territory of Sitifis on the east was not added until the new settlement in 46 B.C. (Mommsen _Hist. of Rome_ bk. iv. c. 4). The territory between the Muluccha and Saldae might, therefore, have been added after the close of the war with Jugurtha. See Muller _Numismatique de l"Afrique_. p. 4; Mommsen l.c.; Gobel _Die Westkuste Afrikas im Altertum_ p. 93; Biereye op. cit. p. 6.
It is very questionable whether the limits of the Roman province were in any way extended at the expense of Numidia. Such additions as Vaga and Sicca probably belong to the settlement of 46 B.C. See Tissot _Geogr. comp_. ii. pp. 21 foll. It has sometimes been thought that the attachment of Leptis Magna to Rome (p. 429) was permanent (Wilmanns in C.I.L. viii. p. 2) and that Tripolis became a part of the Roman province (Marquardt _Staatsverw_. i. p. 465), but Tissot (op. cit. ii.
p. 22) believes that Leptis remained a free city.
[1194] Sall. _Jug_. 114. 3; Liv. _Ep_. lxvii; C.I.L. i. n. x.x.xiii p. 290 Eum (Jugurtham) cepit et triumphans in secundo consulatu ante currum suum duci jussit ... veste triumphali calceis patriciis [? _in senatum venit_]. It is questionable, however, whether the last words of this Arretine inscription (words which do not immediately follow the account of the Numidian triumph) can be brought into connection with the story told by Plutarch (_Mar_. 12) that Marius, either through forgetfulness or clumsiness, entered the senate in his triumphal dress. They seem to refer to some special honours conferred after the defeat of the Germanic tribes. It is possible that the conferment of this honour gave rise to the malicious story, which became not only distorted but misplaced.
[1195] Plut. _Mar_. 12.
[1196] Ihne _Rom. Gesch_. v. p. 164 Wo dem Sohn des Sudens der Schmerzenschrei entfuhr.
[1197] Plut. _Mar_. 12. The epitomator of Livy (lxvii.) says in carcere necatus est. The word _necatus_ is quite consistent with a death such as that described by Plutarch. See Festus, pp. 162, 178.