Because Maryland is loyal to the Union, and South Carolina is fighting it. My Proclamation was not a sermon on the rights of man--black or white. It was an act of war--a blow aimed at the heart of the seceding South to break its wealth and power, end the war, and save the Union. I know the spell of _State loyalty_ in the South, gentlemen. I was born there. Many a mother in Richmond wept the day our flag fell from their Capitol. But they brushed their tears away and sent their sons to the front the next day, to fight that flag--_in the name of Virginia_! So would thousands of mothers in these border slave states, if I put them to the test. In G.o.d"s own time slavery will be destroyed. I have saved these states for our cause by conciliation and compromise. I will not apologize for this act.
[_He lifts his hand to stop interruption._]
My paramount object is to save the Union, and not, either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union, without freeing a slave, I would do it. And if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it. And if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it _helps to save this Union_!
[_Pauses and faces his accusers._]
I"ll test this question right here--will the three Committeemen from Kentucky, Missouri and Maryland stand up for a minute?
[_The three Committeemen rise._]
Will the gentleman from Kentucky tell me what would have been the effect if I had included his state in my proclamation freeing the slaves----?
THE KENTUCKY COMMITTEEMAN
The state would have seceded from the Union, sir.
LINCOLN
Just so, and in Missouri?
THE MISSOURI COMMITTEEMAN
The Legislature would have joined the Confederacy within twenty-four hours.
LINCOLN
And Maryland----?
THE MARYLAND COMMITTEEMAN
Maryland would have promptly cut the railroads leading into Washington, isolated the Capital and joined the South.
LINCOLN
And with the loss of our Capital, Europe, eager to strike, would have recognized the Confederacy, would they not?
THE MARYLAND COMMITTEEMAN
Undoubtedly, sir----
LINCOLN
So I hold----
THE MARYLAND COMMITTEEMAN
Our State believed you when you said in your Inaugural: "I have no purpose directly or indirectly to interfere with the inst.i.tution of slavery in the states where it exists!"
LINCOLN
Then you three gentlemen, at least, are with me on this issue?
ALL THREE
Yes--! Yes--! Yes--!
LINCOLN
I thought so----
[_To Raymond._]
What next?
RAYMOND
Your plan to _colonize_ the Negro race as expressed in your Proclamation of Emanc.i.p.ation and in the bill which you have had pa.s.sed through Congress has hurt your best friends----
LINCOLN
And why should it? My views on that subject were known to all men before you nominated me first in Chicago, four years ago. I said then that I believed there is a sharp physical difference between the white and black races, and I have always linked colonization with freedom.
The Negro cannot remain in a free democracy unless we absorb him into our social and political life. Therefore, we must colonize him. We owe it to ourselves, we owe it to future generations--above all, we owe it to the Negro himself. He was brought here by cruel force. At our own expense, therefore, we should return him to the home of his fathers, and build there a free republic for his children. We should give him our language and our ideals, and we should give him millions of our money, until he can stand alone. We must face this problem squarely now.
RAYMOND
Yet you compromise on other issues.
LINCOLN
Only because I must to save the Union. Trim and hedge on _this_ issue, and future generations will feel their way back to it through blood and tears. I have always held that the happiness and progress of this Union of Free Democratic States will be secure only in the separation of the white and black races, and I will not eat my words!----
[_Pauses._]
--the next charge in your bill of indictment, gentlemen?
RAYMOND
I now present the Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, leader of Congress, the representative of the radical wing of our party, who have split our organization by nominating another candidate for President--Mr. Stevens will give their views.
STEVENS
[_Pompously to the Committee._]
The radical wing of the party, gentlemen, has been the only creative force within it--and is the only thing that gives it an excuse for being to-day.
LINCOLN