The ordinary manor house of the Middle Ages contained three rooms at least, of mean aspect, the floor even of the hall, which was the princ.i.p.al eating and sleeping room, being of dirt; and when there was an upper room or solar added, which began to be done at the end of the twelfth century,[133] access to it was often obtained by an outside staircase.
If the manor house belonged to the owner of many manors, it was sometimes inhabited by his bailiff.
The barns on the demesnes were often as important buildings as the manor houses; one at Wickham, belonging to the canons of S. Paul"s[134]
in the twelfth century, was 55 feet long, 13 feet high from the floor to the princ.i.p.al beam, and 10-1/2 feet more to the ridge board; the breadth between the pillars was 19-1/2 feet, and on each side it had a wing or aisle 6-1/2 feet wide and 6-1/2 feet high. The amount of corn in the barn was often scored on the door-posts.[135] In the manor houses chimneys rarely existed, the fire being made in the middle of the hall. Even in the early seventeenth century in Cheshire there were no chimneys in the farmhouses, and there the oxen were kept under the same roof as the farmer and his family.[136] When chimneys did come in they were not much thought of. "Now we have chimneys our tenderlings complain of rheums, catarrhs, and poses (colds);" for the smoke not only hardened the timbers, but was said by Harrison to be an excellent medicine for man. Instead of gla.s.s there was much lattice, and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oak in checkerwise, and horn was also used. Beds, of course, were a luxury, the owner of the manor, his guests, and retainers flung themselves down on the hall floor after supper and all slept together, though sometimes rough mattresses were brought in.
Furniture was rude and scanty. In 1150 the farm implements and household furniture on the Manor of "Waleton" was valued and consisted of 4 carts, 3 baskets, a basket used in winnowing corn, a pair of millstones, 10 tubs, 4 barrels, 2 boilers of lead with stoves, 2 wooden bowls, 3 three-legged tables, 20 dishes or platters, 2 tablecloths worth 6d., 6 metal bowls, half a load of the invaluable salt, 2 axes, a table with trestles (the usual form of table), and 5 beehives made of rushes.[137] These articles were handed down from one generation to another, and in a lease made 150 years afterwards of the same manor most of them reappear. The greater part of the furniture, until the fifteenth century, was most likely made by migratory workmen, who travelled from village to village; for except the rudest pieces it was beyond the village carpenter, and shops there were none.
It is not to be expected that when the master lived in this manner the lot of the labourer was a very good one. His home was miserably poor, generally of "wattle and dab", sometimes wholly of mud and clay; many with only one room for all purposes. A bill is still in existence for a house, if it can be called one, built in 1306 for two labourers by Queen"s College, Oxford, which cost 20s. in all, and was a mere hovel without floor, ceiling, or chimney.[138] Their wretched houses appear to have been built on the bare earth, and unfloored. Perhaps as time went on a rude upper storey was added, the floor of which was made of rough poles or hurdles and was reached by a ladder. The furniture was miserably poor; a few pots and pans, cups and dishes, and some tools would exhaust the list.[139] The goods and chattels of a landless labourer in 1431 consisted of a dish, an adze, a bra.s.s pot, 2 plates, 2 augers, an axe, a three-legged stool, and a barrel.[140] Englishmen of all cla.s.ses were hopelessly dirty in their habits; even till the sixteenth century they were noted above other countries for the profuseness of their diet and their unclean ways. Erasmus spoke of the floor of his house as inconceivably filthy. To save fuel, the labourer"s family in the cold season all lay huddled in a heap on the floor, "pleasantly and hot", as Barclay the poet tells us; and if he ever had a bed it was a bundle of fern or straw thrown down, with his cloak as a coverlet, though thus he was just as well off as his social superiors, for with them the loose cloak of the day was a common covering for the night. He was constantly exposed to disease, for sanitary precautions were ignored; at the entrance of his hovel was a huge heap of decaying refuse, poisoning air and water. Even in the sixteenth century a foreigner noticed that "the peasants dwell in small huts and pile up their refuse out of doors in heaps so high that you cannot see their houses".[141] Diseased animals were constantly eaten, vegetables were few, and in the winter there was no fresh meat for any one, except game and rabbits and, for the well-to-do, fish, but we may doubt if the peasant got any but salt fish. The consequence was that leprosy and kindred ailments were common; and we do not wonder that plagues were frequent and slew the people like flies. The peasants" food consisted largely of corn. In the bailiff"s accounts of the Manor of Woodstock in 1242, six servants at Handborough received 41-1/2 bushels of corn each, 2 ox herds at Combe received the same, and 4 servants at Bladon had 36 bushels each. In 1274 at Bosham, and in 1288 at Stoughton in Suss.e.x, the allowance was the same.[142] The writer of the anonymous _Treatise on Husbandry_ says that in his time, the thirteenth century, the average annual allowance of corn to a labourer was 36 bushels.[143] Fish, too, seem to have formed a large portion of his diet; all cla.s.ses ate enormous quant.i.ties of fish, before the Reformation, in Lent and on fast days, and the labourer was constantly given salt herrings as part of his pay. In 1359, at Hawsted, the villeins when working were allowed 2 herrings a day, some milk, a loaf, and some drink.[144] Eden[145] says his food consisted of a few fish, princ.i.p.ally herrings, a loaf of bread, and some beer; but we must certainly add pork, which was his stand-by then as now.[146] In the fourteenth century, at all events, there were three kinds of bread in use--white bread, ration bread, and black bread; and it was no doubt the latter that the peasant ate.[147] Clothing was dear and cloth coa.r.s.e, the most valuable personal property consisting of clothing and metal vessels. Shirts were the subject of charitable gifts.[148] By 37 Edw. III, c. 14, labourers were not to wear any manner of cloth but "blanket and russet wool of 12d." and girdles of linen. If they wore anything more extravagant it was forfeited to the king.
To the labourer of modern times the life of his forefathers would have seemed unutterably dull. No books, no newspapers, no change of scene by cheap excursions, no village school, no politics. The very cultivation of the soil by the old three-course system was monotonous.
But there were bright spots in his existence: the village church not only afforded him the consolations of religion but also entertainments and society. Religion in the Middle Ages was a part of the people"s daily life, and its influence permeated even their amus.e.m.e.nts.
Miracles and mystery plays, played in the churches and churchyards, were a common feature in village life; as were the church ales or parish meetings held four or five times a year, where cakes and beer were purchased from the churchwarden and consumed for the good of the parish. Indeed, there can be no doubt that there was much more sociability than to-day, in the country at least. Labour was lightened by the co-operation of the common fields; common shepherds and herdsmen watched the sheep and cattle of the different tenants, "a common mill ground the corn, a common oven baked the bread, a common smith worked at a common forge." His existence, moreover, was enlivened by a considerable number of sports. A statute at the end of the fourteenth century (12 Ric. II, c. 6) says he was fond of playing at tennis(!), football, quoits, dice, casting the stone, and other games, which this statute forbad him, and enacted that he should use his bow and arrows on Sundays and holidays instead of such idle sport.
This is a foretaste of the modern sentiment that seeks to wean him from watching football matches and take to miniature rifle clubs. He was also, like some of his successors, fond of poaching, though he appears to have been rash enough to indulge in it by day. 13 Ric. II, c. 13, says he was p.r.o.ne on holidays, when good Christian people be in church hearing divine service, to go hunting with greyhounds and other dogs, in the parks and warrens of the lord and of others, and sometimes these hunts were turned into conferences and conspiracies,"
for to rise and disobey their allegiance", such as preceded the Peasants" Revolt of 1381; and accordingly no one who did not own lands worth 40s. a year was to keep a dog to hunt, or ferrets other "engines": the first game law on the English statute book.
FOOTNOTES:
[127] Smyth, _Lives of the Berkeleys_, i. 302. No doubt the riches of the Berkeleys were considerably greater than those of many of the barons.
[128] _Lives of the Berkeleys_, i. 166. There is no reason to doubt Smyth, as he wrote with the original accounts before him.
[129] _Lives of the Berkeleys_, i. 156.
[130] The yeoman is said to have made his appearance in the fifteenth century, but the small freeholders of the manor before that date were to all intents and purposes yeomen. No doubt, as trade grew in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries successful tradesmen bought small freeholds in the country and swelled the numbers of yeomen.
[131] Harrison, _Description of Britain_, F.J. Furnivall edn., p. 337.
[132] _Domesday of S. Paul_, Camden Society, p. 129.
[133] Turner, _Domestic Architecture_, i. 59.
[134] _Domesday of S. Paul_, p. 123.
[135] _Historical MSS. Commission Report_, v. 444.
[136] Ormerod, _History of Cheshire_, i. 129.
[137] _Domesday of S. Paul_, p. xcvii.
[138] Denton, _England in the Fifteenth Century_.
[139] Eden, _State of the Poor_, i. 21.
[140] See Cullum, _History of Hawsted_.
[141] Harrison, _Description of Britain_, Appendix ii, lx.x.xi. In some manors, however, there were careful regulations for public health.
According to the Durham _Halmote Rolls_, published by the Surtees Society, village officials watched over the water supply, prevented the fouling of streams; bye-laws were enacted as to the regulation of the common place for clothes washing, and the times for emptying and cleansing ponds and mill-dams.
[142] Ballard, _Domesday_, Antiquary Series, p. 209.
[143] Walter of Henley, Royal Historical Society, p. 75.
[144] Cullum, _Hawsted_, 1784 ed., p. 182.
[145] _State of the Poor_, i. 15.
[146] Thorold Rogers, _History of Agriculture and Prices_, i. 32.
[147] See _Knights Hospitallers in England_, Camden Society, Introduction.
[148] Thorold Rogers, _op. cit._ i. 66.
CHAPTER V
THE BREAK-UP OF THE MANOR.--SPREAD OF LEASES.--THE PEASANTS"
REVOLT.--FURTHER ATTEMPTS TO REGULATE WAGES.--A HARVEST HOME.-- BEGINNING OF THE CORN LAWS.--SOME SURREY MANORS
We have seen that the landlords" profits were seriously diminished by the Black Death, and they cast about them for new ways of increasing their incomes. Arable land had been until now largely in excess of pasture, the cultivation of corn was the chief object of agriculture, bread forming a much larger proportion of men"s diet than now. This began to change. Much of the land was laid down to gra.s.s, and there was a steady increase in sheep farming; thus commenced that revolution in farming which in the sixteenth century led Harrison to say that England was mainly a stock-raising country. The lords also let a considerable amount of their demesne land on leases for years. "Then began the times to alter" says Smyth of the Lord Berkeley of the end of the fourteenth century, "and hee with them, and he began to tack other men"s cattle on his pasture by the week, month, and quarter, and to sell his meadow grounds by the acre. And in the time of Henry IV still more and more was let, and in succeeding times. As for the days"
works of the copyhold tenants, they also were turned into money."[149]
Such leases had been used long before this, but this is the date of their great increase. In the thirteenth century a lease of 2 acres of arable land in Nowton, Suffolk, let the land at 6d. an acre per annum for a term of six years.[150] It contains no clauses about cultivation; the landlord warrants the said 2 acres to the tenant, and the tenant agrees to give them up at the end of the term freely and peaceably. The deed was indented, sealed, and witnessed by several persons. The impoverished landlords also let much of their land on stock and land leases. The custom of stocking the tenants" land was a very ancient one: the lord had always found the oxen for the plough teams of the villeins. In the leases of the manors of S. Paul"s in the twelfth century the tenant for life received stock both live and dead, which when he entered was carefully enumerated in the lease, and at the end of the tenancy he had to leave behind the same quant.i.ty.[151]
It was a common practice also, before the Black Death, for the lord to let out cows and sheep at so much per head per annum.[152] The stock and land lease therefore was no novelty. In 1410 there is a lease of the demesne lands at Hawsted by which the landlord kept the manor house and its appurtenances in his own hands, the tenant apparently having the farm buildings, which he was to keep in repair. He was to receive at the beginning of the term 20 cows and one bull, worth 9s.
each; 4 stotts, worth 10s. each; and 4 oxen, worth 13s. 4d. each; which, or their value in money, were to be delivered up at the end of the term. The tenant was also to leave at the end of the lease as many acres well ploughed, sown, and manured as he found at the beginning.
Otherwise the landlord was not to interfere with the cultivation. If the rent or any part thereof was in arrear for a fortnight after the two fixed days for payment, the landlord might distrain; and if for a month, he might re-enter: and both parties bound themselves to forfeit the then huge sum of 100 upon the violation of any clause of the lease.[153] There is a lease[154] of a subsequent date (the twentieth year of Henry VIII), but one which well ill.u.s.trates the custom now so prevalent, granted by the Prior of the Monastery of Lathe in Somerset to William Pole of Combe, Edith his wife, and Thomas his son, for their lives. With the land went 360 wethers. For the land they paid 16 quarters of best wheat, "purelye thressyd and wynowed," 22 quarters of best barley, and were to carry 4 loads of wood and fatten one ox for the prior yearly; the ox to be fattened in stall with the best hay, the only way then known of fattening oxen. For the flock of wethers they paid 6 yearly. The tenants were bound to keep hedges, ditches, and gates in repair. Also they were bound by a "writing obligatory" in the sum of 100 to deliver up the wether flock whole and sound, "not rotten, banyd,[155] nor otherwise diseased." The consequence of the spread of leases was that the portion of the demesne lands which the lords farmed themselves dwindled greatly, or it was turned from arable into gra.s.s. Stock and land leases survived in some parts till the beginning of the eighteenth century, when it was still the custom for the landlord to stock the land and receive half the crop for rent.[156] According to the _Domesday of S. Paul_, in the thirteenth century, a survey of eighteen manors containing 24,000 acres showed three-eighths of the land in demesne, the rest in the hands of the tenants. In 1359 the lord of the princ.i.p.al manor at Hawsted held in his own hand 572 acres of arable land, worth 4d. to 6d. an acre rent, and 50 acres of meadow, worth 2s. an acre.[157] He had also pasture for 24 cows, which was considered worth 36s. a year, and for 12 horses and 12 oxen worth 48s. a year, with 40 acres of wood, estimated at 1s.
an acre. In 1387, however, the arable land had decreased to 320 acres, but the stock had increased, and now numbered 4 cart horses, 6 stotts or smaller horses, 10 oxen, 1 bull, 26 cows, 6 heifers, 6 calves, 92 wethers, 20 hoggerells or two-year-old sheep, 1 gander, 4 geese, 30 capons, 26 hens, and only one c.o.c.k. The dairy of 26 cows was let out, according to the custom of the time, for 8 a year; and we are told that the oxen were fed on oats, and shod in the winter only.
But if the position of the lords was severely affected by the great pestilence that of the villeins was also. The villein himself was becoming a copyholder; in the thirteenth century the nature of his holding had been written on the court roll, before long he was given a copy of the roll, and by the fifteenth century he was a copyholder.[158] There was, too, a new spirit abroad in this century of disorganization and reform, which stirred even the villeins with a desire for better conditions of life. These men, thus rising to a more a.s.sured position and animated by new hopes, saw all round them hired labourers obtaining, in spite of the Statute of Labourers, double the amount of wages they had formerly received, while they were bound down to the same services as before. The advance in prices was further increased by the king"s issuing in 1351 an entirely new coinage, of the same fineness but of less weight than the old; so that the demands of the labourers after the Black Death were largely justified by the depreciation in the currency.[159] There had also arisen at this time, owing to the increase in the wealth of the country, a new cla.s.s of landlords who did not care for the old system[160]; and it is probably these men who are meant by the statute I Ric. II, c. 6, which complains that the villeins daily withdrew their services to their lords at the instigation of various counsellors and abettors, who made it appear by "colour of certain exemplifications made out of the Book of Domesday" that they were discharged from their services, and moreover gathered themselves in great routs and agreed to aid each other in resisting their lords, so that justices were appointed to check this evil. But there were other "counsellors and abettors" of the Peasants" Revolt than the new landlords. One of its most interesting features to modern readers is its thorough organization.
Travelling agents and agitators like John Ball were all over the country, money was subscribed and collected, and everything was ripe for the great rising of 1381, which was brought to a head by the bad grading of the poll tax of King Richard. It has been said that the chief grievance of the villeins was that the lords of manors were attempting to reimpose commuted services, but judging by the pet.i.tion to the King when he met them at Mile-end there can be no doubt that the chief grievance was the continuance of existing services. "We will", said they, "that ye make us free for ever, and that we be called no more bond, or so reputed." Also, as Walsingham says,[161]
they were careful to destroy the rolls and ancient records whereby their services were fixed, and to put to death persons learned in the law.
As every one knows, the revolt was a failure; and whether it ultimately helped much to extinguish serfdom is doubtful. It probably, like the pestilence, accelerated a movement which had been for some time in progress and was inevitable. There is ample evidence to prove that there was a very general continuance of predial services after the revolt, though they went on rapidly decreasing. One of the chief methods adopted by the villeins to gain their freedom was desertion, and so common did this become that apparently the mere threat of desertion enabled the villein to obtain almost any concession from his lord, who was afraid lest his land should be utterly deserted. The result was that by the middle of the fifteenth century the abolition of labour services was approaching completion.[162] It lingered on, and Fitzherbert lamented in Elizabeth"s reign the continuance of villeinage as a disgrace to England; but it had then nearly disappeared, and was unheard of after the reign of James I.[163]
Seven years after the Peasants" Revolt another attempt was made to regulate agricultural wages by the statute 12 Ric. II, c. 4, which stated that "the hires of the said servants and labourers have not been put on certainty before this time", though we have seen that the Act of 1351 tried to settle wages. In the preamble it is said that the statute was enacted because labourers "have refused for a long season to work without outrageous and excessive hire", and owing to the scarcity of labourers "husbands" could not pay their rents, a sentence which shows the general use of money rents.
The wages were as follows, apparently with food:--
s. d.
A bailiff annually, and clothing once a year 13 4 A master hind, without clothing 10 0 A carter, " " 10 0 A shepherd, " " 10 0 An ox or cow herd " " 6 8 Swine herd or female labourer, without clothing 6 0 A plough driver, without clothing 7 0
The farm servants" food would be worth considerably more than the actual cash he received; a quarter of wheat, barley, and rye mixed every nine weeks was no unusual allowance, which at 4s. 4d. would be worth about 25s. a year. He would also have his harvest allowance, though the statute above forbids any perquisites, worth about 3s., and sometimes it was accompanied by the gift of a pig, some beer, or some herrings.[164] His wife also, at a time when women did the same work as the men, could earn 1d. a day, and his boy perhaps 1/2d. If his wages were wholly paid in money, we may say that in the last half of the fourteenth century the ordinary labourer earned 3d. a day, so that as corn and pork, his chief food, had not risen at all, he was much better off than in the preceding 100 years.
Cullum, in his invaluable _History of Hawsted_, gives us a picture of harvesting on the demesne lands in 1389 which shows an extraordinarily busy scene. There were 200 acres of all kinds of corn to be gathered in, and over 300 people took part; though apparently such a crowd was only collected for the two princ.i.p.al days of the harvest, and it must be remembered that the towns were emptied into the country at this important season. The number of people for one day comprised a carter, ploughman, head reaper, cook, baker, brewer, shepherd, daya (dairymaid); 221 hired reapers; 44 pitchers, stackers, and reapers (not hired, evidently villeins paying their rents by work); 22 other reapers, hired for goodwill (_de amore_); and 20 customary tenants.