With this occasional disclaimer of these errors, American Lutherans have hitherto been satisfied, nor would the question of officially adopting a new creed have been raised at this time, had not the Ultra-Lutherans of our land, of late become animated by a new zeal to disseminate their symbolic errors, and to denounce as not Lutherans, all who do not receive them. When the adoption of a new creed was thus forced upon them, a number of the brethren advocated the formation of one entirely new; but others believing it best to retain the venerable mother symbol of Protestantism, as far as we could regard her teachings as Scriptural, proposed the omission of the few disputed points, and the adoption of the residue unaltered, thus retaining nearly the whole of the doctrinal articles. The suggestion was adopted, as being more respectful to the venerable symbol of our church, we were urged to prepare the work for the consideration of some of the Western Synods; and thus the American Recension of the Augsburg Confession originated from respect for that creed, rather than the want of it. The talk about sacrilege, &c., would sound more natural among Romanists than Protestants; and the idea of deception is utterly unfounded, because the very name adopted, "American Recension," is a constant notification to the reader of some change.
Neither one or the other charge was ever made against the Methodist Episcopal Church, for making four times as many changes in the Thirty-nine Articles. As to respect for the Confession, we see but little difference between several methods proposed amongst American Lutherans; to adopt the Confession as to the fundamentals of Scripture doctrine, leaving all free to reject the non-fundamentals; or to publish the symbol, with a list appended of some of its articles, which may be rejected; or to omit those same articles, leaving them free, and adopting all the residue unconditionally. On neither of these three plans does the _matter_ of the Confession remain intact, even if the letter does; for in _all_, certain parts of it divested of binding authority, and left to the judgment of each individual.
The American Recension is nothing more than a revised edition of the Confession, in which those parts are omitted that had already been divested of binding authority, and thus been superseded by subsequent ecclesiastical legislation.
And is it not creditable to any church, when she finds some tenets of her creed in conflict with the Scriptures, and calculated to circulate error, to reform and improve it? We should suppose that every enlightened and reflecting theologian, and still more every intelligent layman, would concur in the sentiments of that devoted friend and defender of the Lutheran Church, _Dr. Koecher_, of Jena, in 1759, who, discussing the charge that our church had changed her doctrines, says, "It avails nothing merely to charge a church with having made changes in her Creed; we must direct our attention to the subject or doctrine itself, and inquire whether it is true or false. Because, _not every alteration in matters of faith is inadmissible and censurable_.
Suppose a church to perceive that a doctrinal error has crept into her creed, and to correct it by the exclusion of the error; does she not merit our approbation, much rather that our censure or abuse? Suppose that the Lutherans did formerly believe in transubstantiation (as has been charged,) but in the course of time rejected this doctrine, because they found it militate against divine truth; suppose the earlier Lutheran divines did approve of the doctrine of unconditional election, and limited grace of G.o.d, whilst our later theologians had renounced them, because they are in conflict with the teachings of G.o.d"s word:--we say, suppose this had been the case, though it was not; their procedure would not be improper, and their doctrinal change would merit our approbation and praise, rather than censure." How much more christian and manly are these views, than the position which, though not avowed, is acted on by many, that the members of a church should never attempt to improve her symbols; but, as a matter of course, defend any doctrine taught by them, because it is there inculcated. What is this else than practically to elevate Luther, Melancthon, Zwingli, Calvin, or Wesley, above Christ? What is it else, than prefering [sic] to be Lutherans rather than Christians, if we are not ever ready to renounce anything Lutheran, if found not to be Christian? How can the church of Christ continue to develope [sic]
herself in accordance with the divine purposes and plan, unless every part of the church is kept in constant contact with the Bible, and is ever willing to improve and conform its entire framework to the increased light of G.o.d"s word and Providence? It was Luther"s deep sense of obligation to the Bible, as paramount to all human authority, which enabled him and his Spartan band of coadjutors, under G.o.d, to reform the church of Germany from so many Romish errors, and nothing short of the same n.o.ble principle can conduct the church safely in her high and holy mission of converting the world. Whilst, therefore, we love Luther much, let us, my brethren, ever love Christ more. And whilst we respect the soul-stirring productions of the ill.u.s.trious reformers, let that respect never induce us to sanction any errors contained in them, or bias our minds against the free and full reception of the revelations of G.o.d"s holy Word!
Note 1. Colton"s Genius of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, &c., p. 151.
Note 2. Vol. ii., p. 498.
Note 3. Luther was a faithful papist until he was upwards of _thirty years_ did, when he began to protest against the errors of Rome.
CHAPTER III.
DISADVANTAGES UNDER WHICH THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION WAS PREPARED.
In forming an idea of the estimate which should be placed on the Augsburg Confession, as an expression of the results attained by the biblical studies of Luther, Melancthon and their a.s.sociates, at the date of the diet in 1530; much depends on the question, whether the circ.u.mstances under which it was prepared, and the design for which it was intended, were favorable to a free and full exhibition of their views. The affirmative of this question has often been declared in this country; but the contrary is incontestably established by authentic history, as well as by the declarations of the Reformers themselves.
The diet, it will be remembered, was appointed by the Emperor of Germany, Charles V., for the purpose of settling the controversies between the Pope and the Protestant princes of his empire, as well as for other political purposes. The place selected was the City of _Augsburg_, in Bavaria, about two hundred English miles from Wittenberg, and about ninety miles from Coburg, where Luther was left by the Elector during the diet. [Note 1] The Pope had long been urging the emperor to adopt violent measures for the suppression of the Protestants. He fondly antic.i.p.ated that a deathblow would now be given to the Protestant cause, and with which party the emperor would side was not fully known, although, being a Romanist, little favor could be expected by the Confessors. The Confession was composed by Melancthon out of the Torgau Articles, at Augsburg, where he and the Elector John, with his retinue, arrived on the 2d of May. On the 10th of May, it was sent to Luther, at Coburg, for his revision, and he returned it with his approbation on the 16th, remarking, "I have read Philip"s Apology (the Confession,) and am very well (_fast_ wohl, an obsolete meaning of the term "fast,") pleased with it. I know nothing to improve or alter at it; nor would it be suitable, as I cannot tread so softly and lightly." [Note 2] As the emperor did not arrive until about a month later, Melancthon continued to make various alterations, to render the Confession more acceptable to the Romanists; for the fears of the Protestants were greatly excited, as will appear by the following extracts from Melancthon"s own letters, penned at this eventful period.
In a letter to _Luther_, dated Augsburg, June 15th, Melancthon says, "On the day before Corpus Christi festival, at 8 o"clock, P. M., the emperor arrived at Augsburg. From the imperial court, it appears, we have nothing to expect; for the sole object which _Campegius_ seeks to accomplish, is that we should be suppressed _by force_. Nor is there any one in the emperor"s entire court, who is milder than he himself."
[Note 3] This was indeed a gloomy prospect, for they were entirely at the mercy of their emperor. He could reenact the scenes of the previous century, and send them, like Huss and Jerome, to the dungeon and the stake.
On the 26th of June, the day after the public presentation of the Confession, he again addresses _Luther:_ "We live here in the _most lamentable anxiety and incessant tears_. To this a new source of consternation has been added today, after we had read the letter of _Vitus_ (Dietrich, Luther"s friend,) in which he states that you are so much offended at us, that you are unwilling even to read our letters.
My father, I will not increase my sufferings by words, but I merely beg you to consider, where and _in what danger we are_, where we can have nothing to tranquilize us except your consolations. Streams of sophists and monks collect here daily, to inflame the hatred of the emperor against us. But the friends, if we could formerly number them amongst our (party,) are no longer with us. Alone and despised, we are here _contending against endless dangers_. Our Vindication (the Confession) has been presented to the emperor, and I herewith send it to you for perusal. (If it had not been altered after Luther had seen and approved it, it would have been superfluous to send him another copy.) In my judgment, it is strong enough; for you will here perceive the monks depicted sufficiently. Now, it appears to me, that before our enemies reply, we must determine, _what we will yield to them_ in reference to the "eucharist in both kinds," what touching matrimony (_celibacy_ of priests,) and what in regard to "CLOSET Ma.s.sES." In [sic] appears they are determined in no case to yield the last two." [Note 4]
In a letter to _Camerarius_, [Note 5] he thus describes his condition: "My spirit is _filled with lamentable anxiety_, not for the sake of our cause, but on account of the indifference of our a.s.sociates. Be not concerned about me, for I commit myself to G.o.d. But _something remarkable disturbs us_, which I can only tell you personally." [Note 6]
To _Luther_, he writers [sic] on the 27th of June, "I cannot describe how deeply I was distressed, on reading in the letter of _Vitus_, (or Dietrich, a favorite of Luther, who remained with him at Coburg, as his a.s.sociate,) that you are irreconciliably [sic] offended, because I do not write with sufficient frequency." "The condition of our affairs here is still such, that we spend the _greater part of our time in tears_. We have written very often, as we can prove." From this and other pa.s.sages in Melancthon"s letters, as well as from his complaints, that he could not induce [Note 7] the _Protestant princes_ to send messengers regularly to Luther, Niemeyer regards it as evident, that Luther"s displeasure arose in part from the fact, that the princes felt disposed, at this important juncture, to act without either his knowledge, counsel, or co-operation, probably under the impression, that, they could more easily effect a reconciliation, if the intrepid, firm and hated Luther were kept out of view.
But to proceed with Melancthon"s letter. "Our Confession (he says,) has been presented to the emperor, and I have sent you a copy. I entreated you (in my former letter) to inform me, how far we might _yield to our opponents_, if it is practicable. It is true, as you know, we have already consulted on these subjects; but they are always adjusted in a different manner on the field of battle (sie geben sich im Schlachtfeld allezeit anders,) from what they are when previously made the subjects of discussion. I presume the greatest conflict will occur in regard to _private ma.s.ses_. But as yet I have no certain information." [Note 8]
In another letter to Luther, dated Aug. 6, he says: "The Landgrave proceeds with great moderation, and has openly told me, that in order to preserve peace, _he would submit to still more severe conditions_, provided they could be accepted without bringing reproach on the gospel."
During the pendency of these negotiations, Melancthon made repeated efforts by letter to conciliate influential individuals of the papal party. Among these is his letter to _Cardinal Campegius, the apostolic legate, of July 6th, which reflects no little light on the state of his mind. This intense anxiety to gain the imperial favor for the Protestant cause, could not fail strongly to tempt him to make the Confession as palatable as possible to the Romanists, by yielding nearly everything that he did not regard as essential. Hear the letter:
"_Most Reverend Sir:_--As many good men applaud the very great moderation exhibited by your Eminence, amid your honors and elevation, I am induced to cherish the hope, that your Eminence will receive my letter with favor. Verily it was a true saying which Plato uttered, that nothing more desirable, or better, or more divine, can happen to men, than when wisdom is a.s.sociated with power in government. Hence, when the intelligence arrived, that your Eminence was sent to this Diet, as judge in the pending religious controversy, many good men congratulated Germany, that the investigation of these most important affairs was confided to a man, who transcended others not merely by his high (official) dignity, but also much more by his wisdom; for even heretofore the fame of your Eminence"s wisdom him resounded through all Germany. Now, as I believed, that with this wisdom your Eminence would greatly abhor violent measures, I was thereby induced to write to your Eminence, that it might be made known to you, that we also long only for peace and concord, and reject no condition for the restoration of peace."
"We have _no doctrine different from that of the Romish Church_, (wir haben keinen von der Roemischen Kirche verschiedenen Lehrsatz,) yea, we have restrained many who wished to disseminate pernicious doctrines, as may be proved by public testimonies. [Note 9] _We are prepared to obey the Romish Church, if, with that mildness which she has always manifested toward all men, she will only overlook and yield, some little_, (einiges Wenige,) _which we could not now alter if we would_."
[Note 10] Let not your Eminence believe our enemies, who wickedly pervert our writings, and falsely impute to us anything which can inflame the general hatred against us. We reverently _pledge obedience [Note 11] to the authority of the Roman Pontif_, [sic] and to the entire organization of the (Verfa.s.sung) of the [sic on repet.i.tion]
church, only let not the Pope of Rome reject us. Many feel a.s.sured, that if your Eminence were better acquainted with our cause and views, you would not approve of these violent counsels. For no other reason do we incur greater hostility in Germany, than because we defend the doctrines of the Romish [Note 12] Church with the utmost steadfastness.
This fidelity, if the Lord will, we will show to the Romish Church _until our last breath_. There is indeed some _small_ difference in usages, which seems to be unfavorable to union. But the ecclesiastical laws themselves declare, that the unity of the church may continue even amid such diversity of customs." [Note 13]
Is it possible that any impartial man, after reading this letter can suppose the circ.u.mstances of this diet to have been favorable to a free and full expression of the points of dissent, between the Protestants and Papists, even at that day? During the entire six weeks that Melancthon was at Augsburg, before the arrival of the Emperor, his mind was in this agitated and alarmed condition. According to his own account he continued daily to make changes in the Confession, _after_ it had been submitted to Luther. No wonder, therefore, that Luther, responding to Melancthon"s inquiry, "what more they could yield to the Romanists," makes this rather dissatisfied reply, under date June 29: "_Your Apology_ (the Augsburg Confession, as altered by Melancthon.
after Luther had sanctioned it on the 15th of May, and it had been presented to tho diet on the 25th of June,) _I have received, and wonder what you mean, when you desire to know, what and how much, may be yielded to the papists. As far as I am concerned, TOO MUCH HAS ALREADY BEEN YIELDED TO THEM IN THE APOLOGY (Confession)." [Note 14]
Here it in evident that the various changes, made by Melancthon between the 15th of May and 25th of June, led Luther to affirm what American Lutherans now maintain, that _he had yielded too much to the papists in the Augsburg Confession_. "I daily altered and recast the greater part of it, (says Melancthon himself,) and would [Note 15] have altered still more if our counsellors [sic] had allowed it." And so much greater was his dissatisfaction at the still more important concessions, [Note 16]
which Melancthon and his a.s.sociates were willing to make, in their negotiations after the Confession had been delivered, that, in a letter of Sept. 20, to _Justus Jonas_, one of the princ.i.p.al Protestant theologians at the Diet, he gives vent to his feelings in the following remarkable language: "I almost burst with anger and displeasure, (Ich boerste schier fuer Zorn und Widerwillen,) and I beg you only to cut short the matter, cease to negotiate with them (the Papists,) any longer, and come home. They have the Confession. They have the gospel.
If they are willing to yield to it, then it is well. If they are unwilling, they may go. If war comes out of it, let it come. We have entreated and done enough. The Lord has prepared them as victims for the slaughter, that he may reward them according to their works. But us, his people, he will deliver, even if we were sitting in the fiery furnace at Babylon." [Note 17] Thus have we heard abundant evidence from the lips of Melancthon and Luther themselves, that the circ.u.mstances under which the Augsburg Confession was composed, in eight days, before its submission for Luther"s sanction, and the increasing pressure under which Melancthon afterwards made numerous changes in it, during five weeks before its presentation to the Diet, were far from being favorable to a full and free exhibition of the deliberate views of the Reformers even at that date, and fully account for some of the remnants of Romanism still found in that confession, whose import we are now to examine. The declaration of that elaborate historian _Arnold_, is therefore only too true; "_Melancthon had prepared the Confession amid great fear and trembling, and in many things accommodated himself to the Papists_." (Nun hatte dieselbe Melancthon zuvor in grossen Zittern und Angsten aufgesetzet, und sich in vielen nach den Papisten bequemet." [Note 18]
Of similar import is the judgment of _Dr. Hazelius." [sic on quotation mark] [Note 19] In reference to the article of Baptism, says he, we have first to remind the reader of the sentiments expressed by the Confessors, in the preface to this (the Augsburg) Confession, declaring there, and in various pa.s.sages of their other writings, that _it was their object_, not only to couch the sentiments and doctrines they professed, in language the least offensive to their opponents, but also to GIVE WAY AS FAR AS CONSCIENCE WOULD PERMIT. This being premised, we shall endeavor to discover the meaning of the Reformers in regard to the article of baptism from some of those portions of their writings, where they had not cause to be so circ.u.mspect and careful of not giving offence to the Roman party, as they had in the delivery of the Augsburg Confession."
Nor is it at all surprising, that, as Luther"s views of the evils of the ma.s.s were so much clearer even at this period, he should, after seven years more time for study, and in times of peace and security, express his abhorrence of this Romish error in such strong terms as we meet in the Smalcald Articles. Indeed, it was this undecided character of the Augsburg Confession on some points, which led the Elector, who, in other respects valued it highly, to have this new Confession prepared by Luther for the Council, which Pope Paul III. [sic] had convoked, to meet at Mantua, in 1537, for the purpose of settling these religious disputes. Because, says Koellner, "the Augsburg Confession had been prepared with the view to give the _least possible offence to the opponents_. But now, the Evangelical party, being stronger, were not only able to avow the points of difference more openly; but they were also determined to do so; and for such negotiations a different form (from that of the Augsburg Confession) was of course requisite. Finally, the transactions at Augsburg, during the reciprocal efforts at reconciliation, and especially through the great mildness and yielding disposition of Melancthon, had in regard to many doctrines, obliterated the clear and real point of difference, so that in many of them the _opponents affirmed, there was no longer any difference at all_."
Koellner"s Symbolik, Vol. I., p. 441.
Note 1. The reason why he was left, was because the civil authorities of Augsburg excepted him in the safe pa.s.sport, which they sent to the Elector, under date of April 30. See Koellner, Vol. I., p. 172.
Note 2. "Ich habe M. Philipsen"s Apologie ueberlesen, die gefaellt mir fast wohl, und weisz nichts daran zu bessern, noch zu aendern, wuerde sich auch nicht schicken: denn ich so sanft und leise nicht treten kann."
Note 3. We mention here once for that all our extracts from Melancthon"s Letters are translated from _C. Niemeyer"s_ work, ent.i.tled _Philip Melancthon_ im Jahre der Augsburgischen Confession, Halle, 1830.
Note 4. Niemeyer, pp. 26, 27.
Note 5. At that time Professor of Greek and Latin Literature in the Gymnasium of Nurenberg.
Note 6. Niemeyer, p. 28.
Note 7. Niemeyer, p. 78. "Ich kann es bei Hofe nicht erlangen, dasz von heir [sic] ein bestimmter Bote an Luther geschickt wird."
Note 8. Page 30.
Note 9. Dogma nullum habemus diversum a Romana Ecclesia.
Note 10. Here Niemeyer also gives the Latin: "Parati sumus, obedire ecclesiae Romanae, modo ut illa pro sua dementia, qua semper ergo omnes homines usa est, pauca quaedam vel dissimulet, vel relaxet, quae jam ne quidem, si velimus, mutare queamus.
Note 11. Ad haec Romani Pontificis auctoritatem et universam politiam ecclesiasticam, reverenter colimus, modo non abjiciat nos Roma.n.u.s Pontifex.
Note 12. Here, says Niemeyer, Melancthon probably means the Romish church as she ought to be, and not as she was.
Note 13. Page 32.
Note 14. Eure Apologia habe ich empfangen, und nimmt mich wunder was ihr meynet, dasz ihr begehrt zu wissen, was und wie viel man den paepstlichen soll nachgeben. _Fuer meine person ist ihnen allzuviel nachgegeben in der Apologia (Confession)_. Luther"s Werke, B. XX., p. 185, Leipsic Edit.
Note 15. See his letter to Camerarius, dated June 26, 1530. "Ich veraenderte und gosz das meiste taeglich um, und wuerde noch mehreres geaedert [sic] haben, wenn es unsere Raethe erlaubt hatten." Niemeyer, p. 28.
Note 16. Melancthon had agreed to the restoration of the power of the bishops, and evidently, as seen by his letter to Luther, of June 26, if Luther had not objected, he would have made some retractions on the celibacy of the clergy, the communion in both kinds and even the private and closet ma.s.ses. The Protestants did admit that the saints pray for us in heaven, and that commemorative festivals might be kept to pray G.o.d to accept the intercession of these saints; but by no means that our prayers should be addressed to the saints themselves.
Niemeyer, p. 87.
Note 17. Luther"s Works, Vol. XX, p. 196.
Note 18. Gottfried Arnold"s Unpartheische Kirchen und Ketzer Historien, Vol. I., p. 809, edit. 2d of 1740.
Note 19. Doctrine and Discipline of the Synod of South Carolina, pp.
18, 19, published in 1841.
CHAPTER IV.
c.u.mULATIVE PROOF OF THE TRUTH OF THE SEVERAL POSITIONS OF THE DEFINITE SYNODICAL PLATFORM.