[262] What is the language of Mr. Mitford at this treason? "We have seen," says that historian, "the democracy of Athens itself setting the example (among the states of old Greece) of soliciting Persian protection. Will, then, the liberal spirit of patriotism and equal government justify the prejudices of Athenian faction (!!!) and doom Hippias to peculiar execration, because, at length, he also, with many of his fellow-citizens, despairing of other means for ever returning to their native country, applied to Artaphernes at Sardis?" It is difficult to know which to admire most, the stupidity or dishonesty of this pa.s.sage. The Athenian democracy applied to Persia for relief against the unjust invasion of their city and liberties by a foreign force; Hippias applied to Persia, not only to interfere in the domestic affairs of a free state, but to reduce that state, his native city, to the subjection of the satrap. Is there any parallel between these cases? If not, what dulness in inst.i.tuting it! But the dishonesty is equal to the dulness. Herodotus, the only author Mr.
Mitford here follows, expressly declares (I. v., c. 96) that Hippias sought to induce Artaphernes to subject Athens to the sway of the satrap and his master, Darius; yet Mr. Mitford says not a syllable of this, leaving his reader to suppose that Hippias merely sought to be restored to his country through the intercession of the satrap.
[263] Herod., l. v., c. 96.
[264] Aulus Gellius, who relates this anecdote with more detail than Herodotus, a.s.serts that the slave himself was ignorant of the characters written on his scull, that Histiaeus selected a domestic who had a disease in his eyes--shaved him, punctured the skin, and sending him to Miletus when the hair was grown, a.s.sured the credulous patient that Aristagoras would complete the cure by shaving him a second time. According to this story we must rather admire the simplicity of the slave than the ingenuity of Histiaeus.
[265] Rather a hyperbolical expression--the total number of free Athenians did not exceed twenty thousand.
[266] The Paeonians.
[267] Hecataeus, the historian of Miletus, opposed the retreat to Myrcinus, advising his countrymen rather to fortify themselves in the Isle of Leros, and await the occasion to return to Miletus. This early writer seems to have been one of those sagacious men who rarely obtain their proper influence in public affairs, because they address the reason in opposition to the pa.s.sions of those they desire to lead.
Unsuccessful in this proposition, Hecataeus had equally failed on two former occasions;--first, when he attempted to dissuade the Milesians from the revolt of Aristagoras: secondly, when, finding them bent upon it, he advised them to appropriate the sacred treasures in the temple at Branchidae to the maintenance of a naval force. On each occasion his advice failed precisely because given without prejudice or pa.s.sion. The successful adviser must appear to sympathize even with the errors of his audience.
[268] The humane Darius--whose virtues were his own, his faults of his station--treated the son of Miltiades with kindness and respect, married him to a Persian woman, and endowed him with an estate. It was the habitual policy of that great king to attach to his dominions the valour and the intellect of the Greeks.
[269] Pausanias says, that Talthybius afterward razed the house of Miltiades, because that chief instigated the Athenians to the execution of the Persian envoys.
[270] Demaratus had not only prevented the marriage of Leotychides with a maiden named Percalos, but, by a mixture of violence and artifice, married her himself. Thus, even among the sober and unloving Spartans, woman could still be the author of revolutions.
[271] The national pride of the Spartans would not, however, allow that their king was the object of the anger of the G.o.ds, and ascribing his excesses to his madness, accounted for the last by a habit of excessive drinking which he had acquired from the Scythians
[272] Herod., l. 6, c. 94.
[273] Ibid., l. 6, c. 107.
[274] The sun and moon.
[275] In his attack upon Herodotus, Plutarch a.s.serts that the Spartans did make numerous military excursions at the beginning of the month; if this be true, so far from excusing the Spartans, it only corroborates the natural suspicion that they acted in accordance, not with superst.i.tion, but with their usual calculating and selfish policy --ever as slow to act in the defence of other states as prompt to a.s.sert the independence of their own.
[276] Paus., l. 8, c. 5.
[277] The exact number of the Athenians is certainly doubtful.
Herodotus does not specify it. Justin estimates the number of citizens at ten thousand, besides a thousand Plataeans: Nepos at ten thousand in all; Pausanias at nine thousand. But this total, furnished by authorities so equivocal, seems incredibly small. The free population could have been little short of twenty thousand. We must add the numbers, already great, of the resident aliens and the slaves, who, as Pausanias tells us, were then for the first time admitted to military service. On the other hand it is evident, from the speech of Miltiades to Callimachus, and the supposed treachery of the Alcmaeonidae, that some, nor an inconsiderable, force, was left in reserve at Athens for the protection of the city. Let us suppose, however, that two thirds of the Athenian citizens of military age, viz., between the ages of twenty and sixty, marched to Marathon (and this was but the common proportion on common occasions), the total force, with the slaves, the settlers, and the Plataean auxiliaries, could not amount to less than fifteen or sixteen thousand. But whatever the precise number of the heroes of Marathon, we have ample testimony for the general fact that it was so trifling when compared with the Persian armament, as almost to justify the exaggeration of later writers.
[278] Plut. in Vit. Aris. Aristid., pro Quatuor Vias, vol. ii., p.
222, edit. Dindorf.
[279] In his graceful work on Athens and Attica, Mr. Wordsworth has well observed the peculiar propriety of this reference to the examples of Harmodius and Aristogiton, as addressed to Callimachus. They were from the same borough (aphidnae) as the polemarch himself.
[280] The G.o.ddess of Athens was supposed to have invented a peculiar trumpet used by her favoured votaries.
[281] To raise the standard was the sign of battle.--Suidas, Thucyd.
Schol., c. 1. On the Athenian standard was depicted the owl of Minerva.--Plut. in Vit. Lysand.
[282] Aeschyl. Persae.
[283] Ibid.
[284] Herod., l. 6., c. xii.
[285] Plut. in Vit. Aristid.
[286] Roos hespera. Aristoph., Vesp 1080.
[287] Justin, lib. ii., c. ix.
[288] According, however, to Suidas, he escaped and died at Lemnos.
[289] This incident confirms the expressed fear of Miltiades, that delay in giving battle might produce division and treachery among some of the Athenians. Doubtless his speech referred to some particular faction or individuals.
[290] Plut. in Vit. Arist.
[291] These apparitions, recorded by Pausanias, l. i., c. 33, are still believed in by the peasantry.
END OF THE ORIGINAL PRINT VOLUME I.
ATHENS: ITS RISE AND FALL
by Edward Bulwer Lytton
VOLUME II.
CONTENTS.
BOOK III
CHAPTER
I The Character and Popularity of Miltiades.--Naval expedition.
--Siege of Paros.--Conduct of Miltiades.--He is Accused and Sentenced.--His Death.
II The Athenian Tragedy.--Its Origin.--Thespis.--Phrynichus.-- Aeschylus.--a.n.a.lysis of the Tragedies of Aeschylus.
III Aristides.--His Character and Position.--The Rise of Themistocles.--Aristides is Ostracised.--The Ostracism examined.--The Influence of Themistocles increases.--The Silver--mines of Laurion.--Their Product applied by Themistocles to the Increase of the Navy.--New Direction given to the National Character.
IV The Preparations of Darius.--Revolt of Egypt.--Dispute for The Succession to the Persian Throne.--Death of Darius.-- Brief Review of the leading Events and Characteristics of his Reign.