"P. S. You are not to blame, M. le Comte, for the consequences of that sorrowful convention with the English. Your hands were tied to sign it. But I am in despair. I made my payment of the 30th yesterday, selling all the paper money which I had, at a disadvantage. A quarter of an hour is so important, that a million arriving the next day could not repair the lack of but thirty thousand _louis d"or_. I was compelled to pay yesterday 184,328 2s., and 21,864 8s. 4d. remain unpaid from the 15th on which I have only received 200,000 instead of 221,864 8s. 4d.
From now until the 15th, I must pay 268,304 8s. 3d. I am lacking therefore 490,168 16s. 7d. with the loss of my paper money, and the three last payments which I must replace so as to be abreast of my affairs. I therefore beg you to send me an order for 5,000,000 fr., after that I can go forward, but as my destination is not a matter of indifference, I shall have the honor of conferring with you about it."
The doc.u.ments deposited in the bureau of foreign affairs, show that M.
de Vergennes "taking into consideration the desperate situation into which Beaumarchais found himself thrown, owing to the obstinate refusal of Congress to send him returns, had advanced successively, the 13th May, 1777, 400,000 livres, the 16th of June, 200,000 livres, and the 3rd of July 474,496 livres." (_Lomenie_ II, p. 145.) By this means alone, Beaumarchais was able to continue his active services in the cause of America.
Although the court of Louis XVI were making pretense of not favoring the Americans, they already had decided on war and were endeavoring to bring the court of Spain to a similar decision.
"The 26th of June," says Doniol, "a memoir was addressed to the Spanish cabinet explaining the seasonableness of a.s.sociating themselves positively with the colonies, and in consequence, of making war upon England."
"By the means so far employed," wrote Vergennes, "the reconciliation of the colonies with Great Britain cannot be prevented; those means have been all that have been prudent, but they will not suffice any longer; it is necessary that the a.s.sistance become sufficiently effective to a.s.sure a total separation and so compel the Americans to grat.i.tude."
Madrid was finally forced to follow the course laid out for it at Versailles; but before openly declaring their alliance, both courts awaited some decisive act of the Americans. The capture of Burgoyne determined the King, although several months more elapsed before the treaty was actually signed.
But if the court was thus apparently inactive, Beaumarchais continued as a.s.siduous as ever in aiding the Americans, and this notwithstanding the coldness of the commissioners, the total absence of returns and the unbroken silence of the Continental Congress. The Hon. John Bigelow, in his admirable paper _Beaumarchais, the Merchant_, speaking of Beaumarchais at this period, said: "He received no tobacco, nor money, nor thanks, nor even a letter from Congress.... His funds were exhausted, and all his expectations of returns were disappointed.... At last, reduced to extremities, he resolved to send a confidential agent to the United States, to obtain, if possible some explanation of results so chilling to his enthusiasm, and for which he was so poorly prepared.
For this mission he selected a young man named Theveneau de Francy, a person of considerable talent, generous and enthusiastic, but poorly trained for the delicate duty a.s.signed him. De Francy embarked for the United States at Ma.r.s.eilles on the 26th of September, 1777, on board of one of Beaumarchais"s ships, carrying twenty-four guns, called _Le Flammand_."
"De Francy," says Lomenie, "went out with the double mission of obtaining justice from Congress for the past, and to prevent cargoes from being delivered gratis in the future."
But before entering into a consideration of his mission, let us pause to note among the pa.s.sengers of the _Flammand_ a now justly celebrated personage, who was destined to render such effective aid in training the American troops; this was Baron von Steuben. In his life of that famous Prussian officer, Frederick Kapp has given a detailed account of the incidents which led up to his entering the American service. The French minister of war, the Comte de St. Germain, had long been a p.r.o.nounced admirer of the military tactics employed by the king of Prussia. He had endeavored to have those tactics introduced into the French army but without success. Being on intimate terms with the Baron, the latter made a halt in Paris with the intention of visiting his friend at Versailles on the occasion of a voyage to England in the spring of 1777. Having notified the count of his desire to wait upon him, the Baron was surprised to be requested not to come to Versailles, but to meet him at the a.r.s.enal in Paris. "You have arrived very apropos," the count said; opening a map and pointing to America, he continued, "Here is your field of action, here is the Republic you must serve. You are the very man she needs at this moment. If you succeed, your fortune is made and you will acquire more glory than you can hope for in Europe for many years to come." He then pictured the bravery, the resources of the Americans, and intimated the possibility of an open alliance. After this he sketched the other side of the situation; spoke of the disadvantages under which the Americans labored: bad training, lack of order and discipline among the troops, and ended by saying "You see now why you must not be seen at Versailles." The Baron, however, seemed but little touched by the eloquent appeal of his friend. He told the count that he was no longer young, that he had no ambition; though he was without fortune, yet his position was all that he desired.
After a second interview, his interest seemed somewhat aroused. The Count gave him a letter to Beaumarchais, who introduced him to Deane; and Deane took him to Pa.s.sy to see Franklin. Both commissioners seemed anxious that Steuben should enter the service. "But," says his biographer, "when Steuben mentioned a disburs.e.m.e.nt for the expenses of his journey, they expressed some doubts of their power to grant it. Mr.
Deane made no difficulties; Franklin, however, made several. He spoke a great deal of presenting him with a couple of thousand acres of land, ... but Steuben did not care for them.... As to any advances, Franklin positively declared that it was out of the question; he told him this with an air and manner to which Steuben, as he remarked in a letter written at that time, "was then little accustomed," whereupon he immediately took leave, without any further explanation.
"He went thence to M. de Beaumarchais, telling him that he intended to set out immediately for Germany, and that he did not wish to hear any more of America. As soon as Beaumarchais was informed of the cause of Steuben"s resolution, he said to him, that if he wanted nothing but money, a thousand _louis d"or_ and more were at his disposal. Steuben thanked him for his generous offer, but said his determination was fixed. The Count of St. Germain endeavored to dissuade him, but to no effect.
"Arrived at Rastadt, he found a very persuasive letter from M. de Beaumarchais, who wrote that the Comte de St. Germain expected his prompt return to Versailles; that a vessel was ready at Ma.r.s.eilles for his embarkation, and that Beaumarchais"s funds were entirely at the Baron"s disposal.
"Prince William of Baden, with whom Steuben conferred, urged him to accept; accordingly he returned to Paris, August 17, 1777."
On the 26th of September he set sail. Beaumarchais wrote to Congress:
"The art of making war successfully being the fruit of courage combined with prudence, knowledge and experience, a companion in arms of the great Frederic, who stood by his side for twenty-two years, seems one of the men best fitted to second M. Washington."
Baron von Steuben was well received in America. As he asked for no pay, and wished to enter the army as a simple volunteer, no objection was made to his enlistment. He soon was raised to a position suitable to his rank and talents. A little more than a year after his arrival, Beaumarchais, overjoyed at the success which had attended the Baron, wrote to his agent, Theveneau de Francy: "Recall me often to the memory of M. the Baron von Steuben.
"I congratulate myself from that which I learn of him, to have given so great an officer to my friends, the free men of America, and to have forced him in a way to follow that n.o.ble career. I am in no way disquieted about the money that I lent him for his voyage. Never have I made an investment which gave me greater pleasure, because I have been able to put a man of honor in his true place. I learn that he is Inspector General of all the American troops. Bravo! Tell him that his glory is the interest of my money, and that I do not doubt but at that t.i.tle, he will pay me with usury."
On the same vessel went also the nephew of Beaumarchais, the son of his elder sister married to the watchmaker, De Lepine, who on entering the American service took the name of des Epinieres. It was the same of whom Beaumarchais had spoken impatiently on the occasion of his refusing to continue his voyage upon the _Amphitrite_, when du Coudray had brought that vessel back to port. That he had his way, is proved by the fact that his name is mentioned amongst the six aids who accompanied the Baron von Steuben to America. An idea of the young man"s character may be gained from the following brief extract of a letter written by him the evening of an engagement: "Your nephew," he wrote, "my very dear Uncle, may perhaps lose his life, but he will never do a deed unworthy of one who has the honor of belonging to you. This is as certain as the tenderness which he always will have for the best of uncles." According to Lomenie, he never returned to France, but died on the field of battle, after having attained the rank of Major.
At the time when the Baron von Steuben set sail for America, Beaumarchais was no longer the confidential agent of the government. As has been seen, Franklin had from the first, refused to treat with him, while Lee"s influence at home and abroad was at all times used to bring about his ruin. More than this "everything," says Doniol, "seemed to cost too much; they (Franklin and Lee) had allowed themselves to be persuaded that Beaumarchais ought to serve them for nothing. The _Barbier de Seville_, as he was called familiarly, pa.s.sed with too many people for gaining great profit, for there not to be many interested in ruining him. It was also of the utmost importance to England to interfere with his operations, and the English Amba.s.sador fed the flames.... Dubourg had his part to play ... but whatever the reasons, it remains true that Franklin never missed an opportunity openly to contest the operations of Roderigue Hortales et Cie., and to attempt to bring them to naught." (Doniol II, 611.) Other intermediaries, therefore, began to be employed.
Although less recognition was given to Beaumarchais by the government, the ministers continued to make use of his advice. "At the moment," says Doniol, "when he was treated with the greatest coldness, his counsels were appropriated.... They used his political estimates almost in the terms in which he expressed himself, sometimes textually. At the end of October he was admitted to discuss with Vergennes and Maurepas the definite stand to take in offering propositions of alliance with the American colonies. Three months later when the King was about to sign the treaty, it was evident that the Secretary of State had demanded of Beaumarchais a resume of their discussion. This resume ent.i.tled, _Memoire particuliere pour l"Etat_," was drawn up by Beaumarchais under circ.u.mstances peculiarly distressing. It was at the moment when he first realized with absolute certainty that his cooperation in the aid soon to be freely and openly accorded the Americans was no longer desired.
Nevertheless, he continued to express himself with the same manly vigor as previously. After setting forth the actual situation of France and Spain with regard to England, he said: "What remains for us to do?
"Three courses are open to us. The first is worth nothing, the second is the most sure, the third, the most n.o.ble; but a wise combination of the third and second could instantly raise the King of France to be the first power of the civilized world.
"The first course, which is worth nothing, absolutely nothing, is to continue to do what we are doing, or rather what we are not doing; to remain longer pa.s.sive by the side of the turbulent activity of our neighbors, and obstinately to refuse to take sides while still awaiting events." After setting forth at length the actual condition of affairs in England, the perils which menaced France, the desire which actuated all parties in Great Britain to make peace with America while wreaking their vengeance upon France, he continues warningly, "But the first step towards peace being once taken, be sure that it will be too late for France to declare in favor of America." Then follows a narration of preparations then making in England to take France unawares. "After having become the laughing stock of all Europe," cries the daring advocate of the alliance, "a fatal war and the bankruptcy of America will be the worthy reward of our inaction.
"The worst course therefore, of all the courses, is now, to take no course and to attempt none in conjunction with America, waiting until England shall have closed up every way; something which will certainly happen very shortly.
"The second course which I regard as the most sure, would be to accept publicly the treaty of alliance proposed to us for more than a year by America, ... As soon," he says, "as the English learn that there is no longer any hope to treat with a country which has treated with us, they will instantly make war upon us, declaring us to be aggressors." ... One objection after another that might present itself to the minds of the ministers is then taken up and weighed, especially in relation to the ignorance which existed among them with regard to the "extent of the powers entrusted to the legation at Pa.s.sy, the uncertainty of the consent of Congress, the possible mobility of an a.s.sembly of which the majority was the only law, and which made them fearful that France might have to regret too late, a step which naturally would exasperate the English.
"These fears, Beaumarchais knew how to turn aside by reasons and considerations (_Doniol_ II, p. 742) which would not have been out of place in the mouth of a minister."
The third course open to France, "the n.o.blest of all," was to declare to the English in a manifesto which should be announced at the same time to the other potentates of Europe, that the King of France, after having, through delicacy and regard to England, long remained a pa.s.sive spectator of the war existing between England and America, to the great disadvantage and injury of French Commerce; "that conditions being so and so," which he proceeded to clearly define, "His Majesty obliged by circ.u.mstances to decide upon some definite course ... and not wishing to declare war against England, nor to insult her ... His Majesty contents himself with declaring that he will hold the Americans for independent, and desires to regard them as such from henceforward, relatively to their commerce with France, and the commerce of France with them." ...
"After drawing up his manifesto, Beaumarchais entered into the exposition of the measures to take, and discussed the shades of opinion of each minister exactly as though he had been part of the council....
It is not one of the least singularities of the times to see the author of the _Barbier de Seville_ deliberating as it were with the ministers, saying "I would do" and putting himself navely in the place of the King of France." (_Lomenie_, II, p. 160.)
It was early in December that news of the surrender of Burgoyne reached Europe. "The joy of the news of Saratoga brought Beaumarchais to Pa.s.sy, in spite of the bitter griefs which he had against the Commissioners."
(_Doniol_ II, 646.) The same day he wrote to Vergennes:
"December 5, 1777.
"Monsieur le Comte:
" ... Yesterday I was at Pa.s.sy with the courier who arrived from Congress, and I pa.s.sed the morning in comforting my heart with the excellent news of which we had that moment received the announcements.
"I came back to Paris, bringing M. Grand in a light carriage with a postillion and two horses. The carelessness of my postillion ... caused us to be overturned.... Mr. Grand had his shoulder broken; the violence of the fall made me bleed profusely at the nose and mouth;-a piece of broken gla.s.s entered my right arm-the negro who followed was badly hurt. See me then prostrated, but more ill in mind than body ... it is not the postillion who kills me, but M. de Maurepas. Nevertheless the charming news from America is a balance to my soul.... I am the voice which cries from the depths of my bed, "_De profundis clamavi ad te Domine; Domine exaudi orationem meam_." Although you received the _Gazette_ of Boston yesterday, I will send you the extract which I myself made to insert in _le Courrier d"Europe_. It is just that I give them in England by my phrases all the poniard thrusts which their Amba.s.sador gives me here with his. I salute you, respect and cherish you, and will sign, if I can with my wounded arm, the a.s.surance of the unalterable devotion with which I am, etc.
"Beaumarchais."
Two days later, he wrote:
"M. le Comte:
"Your honorable and sweet interest consoles me for everything. In thanking you for the counsels which you have been so good as to give me I can a.s.sure you that I did not allow myself to be too vivacious in the letter of which I sent you a copy; I cannot explain myself in writing, but you will be much more surprised than I, because you are less acquainted with the persons of whom it is a question, when I give you an account of all that has happened. I always have put a great difference between the honest deputy Deane, and the insidious Lee, and the silent Dr. Franklin.
"The movement which the news of America has given to all idle heads is inconceivable; the English of the cafes do not know where to hide themselves;-but all that is nothing like so curious as what will take place in London from the shock of the different reports. I await the details with a pleasure equal to all the trouble which they have tried to make me. I thank you for the interest which you take in my health. I am getting up to-day for the first time, and to-morrow I hope to go out.... Receive with your ordinary goodness the a.s.surances of the very respectful devotion with which I am, etc.
"Beaumarchais."
Wounded in body and sick at heart, the zealous patriot and vigilant friend of America continued to give notice to the government of the news which, through his agents and friends in London, he received before anyone else.
Thursday, the 11th of December, he wrote:
"To M. le Comte de Vergennes, to be communicated, if he pleases, to M. le Comte de Maurepas.
"M. le Comte:
"Although I find it difficult to use my right arm, still I must force it to aid me in announcing to you that I received last night very particular news from London. Everything is in such a state of fermentation since the news of Burgoyne that the crisis has arrived, when the deceived King, the audacious ministry, and the most corrupt parliament must cede to the cries of a furious nation....
"What is the true moral sense of this crisis? It is, that whichever one of the two nations, France or England, recognizes first the independence of America, she alone will reap all the fruits, while that independence will certainly be ruinous to the one which allows her rival to get the advance. This word sums up everything; this moment accomplishes everything. As to the details, in spite of my grievances and my sufferings, if my poor body can endure the _broutage_, and if you have the time and the desire to receive me to-day, or better, to-morrow, my postillion has orders to await yours.
"I renew, with the same devotion, M. le Comte, the a.s.surances of the very profound respect of the poor turned and overturned
"Beaumarchais."