According to a statement made in the "Border Papers," Buccleuch was a.s.sisted in effecting Kinmont"s rescue by Walter Scott of Goldielands; Walter Scott of Harden; Will Elliot of Gorronbye; John Elliot of Copeshawe; the laird of Mangerton; the young laird of Whithaugh and his son; three of the Calfhills, Jock, Bighames, and one Ally, a b.a.s.t.a.r.d; Sandy Armstrong, son to Hebbye; Kinmont"s Jock, Francie, Geordie, and Sandy, all brethern, the sons of Kinmont; Willie Bell, "Redcloak," and two of his brethren; Walter Bell of G.o.ddesby; three brethren of Tweda, Armstrongs; young John of the Hollows, and one of his brethren; Christie of Barngleish and Roby of Langholm; the Chingles; Willie Kange and his brethren with their "complices."
The breaking of the castle, and the rescue of Kinmont, completely upset the equanimity of my Lord Scrope. His indignation almost unmanned him. He wrote a long letter to the Privy Council describing the circ.u.mstances, and denouncing Buccleuch and his accomplices, in no measured terms. He entreated the Council to induce her Majesty to call upon the King of Scotland to deliver up Buccleuch "that he might receive such punishment as her Majesty might find that the quality of his offence merited." He a.s.sured their lordships that "if her Majesty shall give me leave it shall cost me both life and living, rather than such an indignity to her Highness, and contempt to myself, shall be tolerated." From the subsequent correspondence on this subject, which was of a voluminous nature, one can easily see that Scrope was more concerned about the indignity to himself than the contempt which had been offered to her Majesty. He seems to have found it more difficult than he at first antic.i.p.ated to move the government to take prompt and effective action.
Buccleuch, as may be readily supposed, had a good deal to say in his own defence. He argued, and with considerable cogency, that Kinmont"s capture and imprisonment const.i.tuted a gross violation of Border law, and that he had not made any attempt at his rescue until he had exhausted every other means of accomplishing his purpose. He also pointed out that the representations which he had made had been received with scant courtesy, and that even the remonstrance of the King had been treated with contempt.
Further, he showed that his Borderers had committed no outrage either on life or property, although they might have made Scrope and his garrison prisoners, and sacked the city.
These considerations ought to have weighed heavily in Buccleuch"s favour, but Elizabeth would listen to no excuses. She demanded his immediate surrender. For a time James refused to comply, and was warmly supported by the whole body of his council and barons, even the ministers of the Kirk were strongly opposed to surrender. Had the King been able to act with as much freedom as some of his predecessors, it is morally certain that this demand would have been indignantly repelled, but in the circ.u.mstances he had to proceed with caution, as he was afraid that resistance might lead to unpleasant results. And so, bowing to the inevitable, Buccleuch was surrendered--at least he was for a time put in ward in Blackness.
The letter which Elizabeth addressed to James on this occasion is written throughout in the most pa.s.sionate language. It is evident that Her Majesty had great difficulty in controlling her feelings. After soundly rating her "Dear brother" on the att.i.tude he had a.s.sumed, she says:--"Wherefore, for fine, let this suffice you, that I am as evil treated by my named _friend_ as I could be by my known _foe_. Shall any castle or habytacle of mine be a.s.sailed by a night larcin, and shall not my confederate send the offender to his due punishment? Shall a friend stick at that demand that he ought rather to prevent? The law of kingly love would have said, nay: and not for persuasion of such as never can or will stead you, but dishonour you to keep their own rule, lay behind you such due regard of me, and in it of yourself, who, as long as you use this trade, will be thought not of yourself ought, but of conventions what they will. For, commissioners I will never grant, for an act that he cannot deny that made; for what so the cause be made, no cause should have done that. And when you with a better weighed judgment shall consider, I am a.s.sured my answer shall be more honourable and just; which I expect with more speed, as well for you as for myself.
For other doubtful and litigious causes in our Border, I will be ready to point commissioners, if I shall find you needful; but for this matter of so villainous a usage, a.s.sure you I will never be so answered, as hearers shall need. In this and many other matters, I require your trust to our amba.s.sador, which faithfully will return them to me. Praying G.o.d for your safe keeping. Your faithful and loving sister, E. R."
Such plain speaking might not be relished by the Scottish King, but the interests at stake were too great to enable him to disregard it. He was in thorough sympathy with Buccleuch, but he dare not resist further, and so pacified the angry Queen by yielding her demands.
XII.
FLAGELLUM DEI.
"Then out and spak the n.o.bil King, And round him cast a wilie ee-- Now, had they tongue, Sir Walter Scott, Nor speak of reif nor felonie: For, had every honest man his awin kye, A right puir clan thy name wad be!"
BALLAD OF THE OUTLAW MURRAY.
While reflecting great credit on the prowess of the Bold Buccleuch, the rescue of Kinmont Willie gave rise to many serious local as well as international complications. As we have seen, the English Queen was deeply offended. She resented the high-handed and arbitrary manner in which the release of this famous prisoner had been effected. It const.i.tuted a gross insult to the Crown, and she was determined that those responsible for the deed should suffer for their temerity. The anger of Elizabeth was no trifling matter under any circ.u.mstances, but to James, whose courage was never a conspicuous quality, it was dreaded in the last degree. He simply quailed before the storm, and hastened to tender his humble submission.
The Queen received his a.s.surances of contrition with commendable graciousness. Yet it would seem she was not quite satisfied. Buccleuch had been put in ward, but he had not been, as was demanded, surrendered to the English government, and satisfaction was apparently out of the question until this condition had been complied with. She expostulated with James on the impropriety of the course he had seen fit to adopt, and gave him an interesting lecture on the manner in which he ought to discharge the duties of his high office. "For the punishment given to the offender," she says, "I render you many thanks; though I must confess, that without he be rendered to ourself, or to our warden, we have not that we ought. And, therefore, I beseech you, consider the greatness of my dishonour, and measure his just delivery accordingly. Deal in this case like a king, that will have all this realm and others adjoining see how justly and kindly you both will and can use a prince of my quality; and let not any dare persuade more for him than you shall think fit, whom it becomes to be echoes to your actions, no judgers of what beseems you.
For Border matters, they are so shameful and inhuman as it would loathe a king"s heart to think of them. I have borne for your quiet too long, even murders committed by the hands of your own wardens, which, if they be true, as I fear they be, I hope they shall well pay for such demerits, and you will never endure such barbarous acts to be unrevenged.
I will not molest you with other particularities; but will a.s.sure myself that you will not easily be persuaded to overslip such enormities, and will give both favourable ear to our amba.s.sador, and speedy redress, with due correction for such demeanour. Never think them mete to rule, that guides without rule.
Of me make this account, that in your world shall never be found a more sincere affection, nor purer from guile, nor fuller fraught with truer sincerity than mine; which will not harbour in my breast a wicked conceit of you, without such great cause were given, as you yourself could hardly deny; of which we may speed, I hope, _ad calendas Graecas_.
I render millions of thanks for such advertis.e.m.e.nts as this bearer brought from you; and see by that, you both weigh me and yourself in a right balance; for who seeks to supplant one, looks next for the other."
These wise and weighty admonitions were no doubt received in a becoming spirit. But James was not prepared at once to comply with the demand that Buccleuch should be handed over to the tender mercies of his enemies.
Buccleuch was a special favourite. He was disposed, therefore, to shield him as long as he could conveniently do so, with any degree of safety to himself and his own interests. Negotiations were carried on between the two governments for a period of eighteen months, and everything might have been amicably settled had the wardens, and others in authority, only conducted themselves with a reasonable amount of discretion. Scrope, especially was dying to be revenged on those who had subjected him to such great indignity; and consequently, a few months after the castle of Carlisle had been broken into by Buccleuch, he gathered together two thousand men and marched into Liddesdale, where he and his followers created great devastation. They burned, so the Scottish commissioners allege, "24 onsettes of houses, and carried off all the goods within four miles of bounds. They coupled the men their prisoners "tua and tua togeather in leashe like doggis. Of barnis and wemen, three or four scoore, they stripped off their clothis and sarkis, leaving them naked in that sort, exposit to the injurie of wind and weather, whereby nyne or tenne infantes perished within eight daies thereafter.""
The answer of the English commissioners to this indictment indicates, at least, the grounds on which Scrope regarded himself as justified in undertaking this invasion of Liddesdale. The reasons adduced are plausible, if not always convincing. "It is no novelty," they say, "but an ancient custom, for the English warden to a.s.sist his opposite, and the keeper of Liddesdale, to ride on and "herrie" such thieves, and on occasion to do so at his own hand.... Buccleuch, besides (1) surprising the second fortress of the Queen"s Border; (2) slaying 24 of her subjects, including 16 of her soldiers; (3) has bound himself with all the notorious riders in Liddesdale, Eskdale, and Ewesdale, and after a.s.serting that he paid "out of his own purse" half of the sworn bill of Tyndale of 800, which the King commanded him to answer, joined himself with the Ellotts and Armstrongs, to plunder Tyndale for demanding the balance, slaying in their own houses 7 of the Charletons and Dodds the chief claimants. And being imprisoned by the King, he made a sporting time of it, hunting and hawking, and on his release did worse than ever, maintaining his "coosens"
Will of Hardskarth, Watt of Harden, &c., to murder, burn, and spoile as before.
The people under his charge, Ellotts, Armstrongs, Nicksons, &c., have of late years murdered above 50 of the Queen"s good subjects, many in their own houses, on their lawful business at daytime--as 6 honest Allandale men going to Hexham market, cut in pieces. For each of the last 10 years they have spoiled the West and Middle Marches of 5000. In short, they are intolerable, and redress being unattainable, though repeatedly demanded by the Queen and warden, the justifiable reprisal ordered by her Majesty in necessary defence of her own Border, cannot in equity be called an invasion, but rather "honourable and neighbourlike a.s.sistance," to maintain the inviolable amitie between the princes and realms, against the proud violaters thereof in eyther nation.... To conclude--this action of the Lord Scrope"s is to be reputed and judged a "pune," an ancient Border tearme, intending no other than a reprisall, which albeit of late years her Majesty"s peacable justice hath restrained."
There is much in a name. This invasion of Liddesdale, resulting in the burning of numerous homesteads, the slaughter of many women and children, accompanied by barbarities of the most revolting description, is euphoniously described by the commissioners as "honourable and neighbourlike a.s.sistance." The women and bairns, who were led in leashes like so many dogs, were no doubt duly grateful to my Lord Scrope and his minions for their kindly attentions! The absurdity of such a verdict is surely unique.
It would appear that Buccleuch"s enforced absence from the Borders, after the taking of Carlisle castle, was of brief duration. He was soon back in his old haunts, and at his old trade. What had happened in the interim was not likely to enhance his feeling of regard for Scrope, and those who were aiding and abetting him in this matter. He was determined to avenge the cruel raid which had been made upon Liddesdale. Along with Sir Robert Ker of Cessford, another renowned freebooter, he marched into Tynedale with fifty horse and a hundred foot, burned at noonday three hundred onsteads and dwelling houses; also barns, stables, ox houses, &c., to the number of twenty; and murdered "with the sworde" fourteen who had been to Scotland, and brought away their booty. The English warden was utterly helpless. He dare not lift a finger to stay the progress of the invaders. He gave vent to his feelings in a letter to Burghley, in which he says--"To defend such like incursions, or rather invasions, with sorrow as formerly I declare to your lordship the weak state of Tindale, for there was not 6 able horse to follow the fray "upon the shoute," though in daytime, and where as reported to me, there were 300 able foot, "or better," there was not a hundred of this following, "and those naked." This piteous state increases since my coming, and I cannot see how to amend it, leaving this to your wisdom, "wishing to G.o.d" I had never lived to serve where neither her Majesty nor her officer is obeyed; fearing unless a.s.sisted by her Majesty"s forces, Tyndale will be laid waste as other parts of the March are."[96]
One cannot restrain a certain feeling of commiseration for the English warden, who was so shamefully neglected by his government, and so miserably supported in the discharge of his duties by those dwelling within his wardenry. The complaint which Eure here makes is one which was often made by the wardens on the English Border. They were frequently left in a comparatively helpless condition, having neither men, horses, nor money sufficient for their purposes. The knowledge of this fact no doubt encouraged the Scots to pursue their nefarious calling with a boldness and persistency, which, at first sight, appear somewhat extraordinary.
Buccleuch, when charged with the atrocities here so minutely described, had a good deal to say in his own defence. He avowed that his inroad on Tynedale was fully justified. He says--"60 English entered Liddesdale by night, slew 2 men, and drove many sheep and cattle, when the fray arising, he with neighbouring gentlemen "followed the chace with the dog," and put the first men he met making resistance, to the sword. The rest of the spoil, taken to sundry houses in Tindale, was therein held against him by the stealers, and though he offered them life and goods, if the cattle were delivered, he had to force entry by the firing of doors, when the houses were burned "besides his purpose," with the obstinate people who refused to yield on trust."[97]
This plausible story, the main facts of which, however, are admitted by the English warden, did not go far to pacify the Queen of England. She threatened the utmost penalties unless Buccleuch and Ker were delivered up to her. The time had gone past for further "excuses, deferrings, and lingerings." It is said her resentment had reached such a pitch that, with her concurrence, a plan was formed to _a.s.sa.s.sinate_ Buccleuch.
Though the Queen had at first been opposed to the appointment of a Commission for the consideration of some of the more important questions which had arisen between the two kingdoms, owing mainly to Buccleuch"s exploits, she ultimately yielded the point, and it is an interesting and significant fact that during the time of the sitting of the Commission Buccleuch was busily engaged in ravaging with fire and sword some of the fairest districts within the English Border. The magnitude of his offences had evidently impressed them. They hardly knew what to say about him. In the first paragraph of the report which they issued we read:--"We have accomplished the treaty of the Border causes with all the diligence possible, though not to so great advantage to the realm as we desired. Yet we have revived articles of the former treaties discontinued, supplied many old defects, and made new ordinances. Slaughters we were forced to leave as they were (the Scots protesting that they could not, under their instructions, deal with them); but we trust as the punishment is left to the princes, her Majesty will so consider the same, that it shall be found far better that we have left that article at large, than if we had condiscended to any meane degree of correccion for so barbarous acts ...
specially by Baklugh, who is _flagellum Dei_ to his miserably distressed and oppressed neighbours."[98]
But, however distressing Buccleuch"s conduct may have been to the English members of the Commission, it is evident that neither King nor Council in Scotland was disposed to regard him as a "scourge of G.o.d." He went up to Edinburgh at this time, when things seemed to be going so much against him in the Commission, and had an interview with James, and so obtained his favourable countenance, that "they laughed a long time on the purpose."
The Council took an equally favourable view of the situation, affirming that "it was found that his last invasion of England was just, for "repet.i.tion" of goods stolen a short time before, and the slaughter was but of special malefactors, enemies to the public weal and quiet of both countries."
Elizabeth, however, took a different view of the matter, and put her foot down with such purpose and determination that James speedily became convinced that he must either surrender his favourite, or involve the country in a war with England. The latter alternative was out of the question, as it might have imperilled his claim to the succession, and so Buccleuch was compelled to place himself as a prisoner in the hands of Sir William Bowes, who conducted him to Berwick, and put him in ward, there to await the Queen"s pleasure. Sir John Cary was then governor of the town, and it was with much perturbation and many misgivings that he undertook the safe custody of such a notorious and masterful captive. In a pathetic letter which he addressed to Lord Hunsdon, he says--"I entreat your lordship that I may not become the jailor of so dangerous a prisoner, or, at least, that I may know whether I shall keep him like a prisoner or no? for there is not a worse or more dangerous place in England to keep him in than this; it is so near his friends, and besides, so many in this town willing to pleasure him, and his escape may be so easily made; and once out of the town he is past recovery. Wherefore I humbly beseech your honor let him be removed from hence to a more secure place, "for I protest to the Almighty G.o.d, before I will take the charge to keep him here, I will desire to be put in prison myself, and to have a keeper of me!" For what care soever be had of him here, "he shall want no furtherance whatsoever wit of man can devise, if he himself list to make an escape."
So I pray your lordship, "even for G.o.d"s sake and for the love of a brother," to relieve me from this danger."[99]
This pa.s.sionate appeal, to be relieved from the responsibility of taking charge of Buccleuch, does not seem to have received much attention.
Buccleuch remained under Cary"s guardianship, and, needless to say, proved himself one of the most tractable of prisoners. He could not well have acted otherwise, for he must by this time have become fully convinced that Elizabeth was determined to have her way, and that, in the peculiar circ.u.mstances in which the Scottish King was placed, he could ill afford to thwart her wishes. Sir Robert Ker was also induced to place himself in the hands of the English authorities. Strange to relate, he was placed in charge of Sir Robert Cary, with whom he lived for a considerable time on the most intimate and friendly terms. "Contrary to all men"s expectations," says Cary, "Sir Robert Car chose me for his guardian, and home I brought him to my own house after he was delivered to me. I lodged him as well as I could, and took order for his diet, and men to attend on him; and sent him word, that (although by his harsh carriage towards me, ever since I had that charge, he could not expect any favours, yet) hearing so much goodness of him, that he never broke his word; if he would give me his hand and credit to be a true prisoner, he would have no guard set upon him, but would have free liberty for his friends in Scotland, to have ingress and regress to him as often as he pleased. He took this very kindly at my hands, accepted of my offer, and sent me thanks.
Some four days pa.s.sed; all which time his friends came unto him, and he kept his chamber. Then he sent to me, and desired me I should come and speak with him, which I did; and after long discourse, charging and recharging one another with wrongs and injuries, at last, before our parting, we became good friends, with great protestations on his side, never to give me occasion of unkindness again. After our reconciliation, he kept his chamber no longer, but dined and supped with me. I took him abroad with me, at least thrice a-week, a-hunting, and every day we grew better friends. Bocleugh, in a few days after, had his pledges delivered, and was set at liberty. But Sir Robert Car could not get his, so that I was commanded to carry him to York, and there to deliver him prisoner to the archbishop, which accordingly I did. At our parting he professed great love unto me for the kind usage I had shown him, and that I would find the effects of it upon his delivery, which he hoped would be shortly."[100]
Sir Robert Ker was as good as his word. After he had regained his freedom, by the delivery of the pledges demanded, he returned to his duties as warden of the East March, and seems to have conducted himself to the entire satisfaction of his generous opponent. Cary says that they often met afterwards at days of truce, and that he had as good justice as he could have desired--their friendship remaining unbroken to the end.
The fortunes of the "Bold Buccleuch," after his imprisonment in Berwick, were of a varied, but by no means of an unpleasant character. He returned to his duties as Keeper of Liddesdale, and applied himself with energy and ability to the arduous task of keeping his unruly charge, as far as possible, within due bounds of law. This was an almost impossible undertaking, as the Armstrongs and Elliots and other "broken men" of the district had been so long accustomed to a lawless life that they quickly resented any interference with their liberty. The change which had come over the spirit of Buccleuch"s dream was not at all to their liking, and consequently they turned against him, and a.s.sailed him with much bitterness. He was "in contempt with them" because of his just dealing with Cary. They would gladly have shaken off his yoke, and were privately working for his overthrow, that they might have the "raynes louse" again.
But difficult as the task was, Buccleuch was not easily turned aside from his purpose. He had evidently become convinced that a change of policy was desirable in the interests of the country, and he was determined to carry it out, however formidable might be the opposition with which he had to contend. The fact is significant, and ought to be carefully borne in mind.
Buccleuch"s indiscretions during the earlier part of his official life were manifold, and severely reprehensible. The only defence which can be offered in his behalf is, that he was placed in a position of great responsibility before he was old enough to appreciate to the full extent the consequences of his actions. His extreme youth, fiery temperament, and fervid patriotism, account for many things in his life which otherwise would be difficult either to explain or justify. But if he sinned greatly, he also repented sincerely. It is really to him we owe the first impulse in the social regeneration of the Borders. From 1597 onwards, he contributed more towards the establishment of good order in the district over which he presided--and it was infinitely the worst district in the country--than any other man of his time. It may be said, indeed, that in him many of the finest qualities of the Scottish Borderer came to full fruition. He was brave, resolute, independent, quick to resent injuries, but withal, warm-hearted and generous. We do not greatly wonder at the large place he has filled in the traditional story of the country. His was a powerful and fascinating personality, and though, from a national point of view, the sphere of his activities was comparatively limited, his name is not unworthy of being a.s.sociated with some of the greatest names in Scottish history.
Towards the close of the year 1599 he went to London to make his peace with the Queen. In a letter to Cecil, written by Sir Robert Cary, we have striking testimony given of the change which had taken place in Buccleuch"s att.i.tude towards the English government. "He will be desirous," Cary says, "to kiss the Queen"s hand: which favour of late he hath very well deserved, for since my coming into these parts, I do a.s.sure your honour he is the only man that hath run a direct course with me for the maintenance of justice, and his performance hath been such as we have great quietness with those under his charge. Nor have I wanted present satisfaction for anything by his people: and he has had the like from me.
There is not an unsatisfied bill on either side between us."[101]
Considering the terms of this letter, we are not surprised to learn that the "Bold Buccleuch" was received at Court with considerable favour. If it be true that Elizabeth at one time was privy to a plot to a.s.sa.s.sinate him, she must surely have had some qualms of conscience when at last this "stark reiver" stood before her. The scene is a memorable one. The Queen demanded of him, with one of those lion-like glances which used to throw the proudest n.o.bles on their knees, how he dared to storm her castle, to which the Border baron replied--"What, madam, is there that a brave man may not dare?" The rejoinder pleased her; and, turning to her courtiers, she exclaimed--"Give me a thousand such leaders, and I"ll shake any throne in Europe!"
XIII.
MINIONS OF THE MOON.
"Diana"s Foresters, Gentlemen of the shade, Minions of the Moon."--FALSTAFF.
"_Reparabit Cornua Phoebe._"--MOTTO: HARDEN FAMILY.
"The siller moon now glimmers pale; But ere we"ve crossed fair Liddesdale, She"ll shine as brightlie as the bale That warns the water hastilie.
"O leeze me on her bonny light!
There"s nought sae dear to Harden"s sight: Troth, gin she shone but ilka night, Our clan might live right royallie."
FEAST OF SPURS.