"Your Government"s intention was to excite the Irish to apprehend a predatory attack by a people who never had done them any harm and by false reports make them believe that this was their plight. It was my intention not only to obtain a binding benevolent a.s.surance from the German Government, but also to free my countrymen from the false position which this lying exciting campaign would develop; finally, as far as it stood in my power, I would prevent them from entering into an immoral conflict against a people who had never done Ireland an injustice.
"This declaration from the German Government, which, as far as I know, was delivered in full sincerity, forms a justification for my "treason." I leave it to you, sir, to find justification for the British Government"s and the Minister"s criminal plan, which was fully prepared before I had even set foot on German soil and, furthermore, in a land where I had perfect right to remain, this plan, which was attempted to be carried out by the miserable means of bribery and corruption.
"You will not find justification in the many conversations which Mr.
Findlay in November and in December last year had after his own wish with my faithful servant. The correspondence between them couched in the Amba.s.sador"s arranged cypher speaks for itself. These conversations have brought one thing to the light of day which I later on will make public.
"It is certainly correct to say concerning all this, which pa.s.sed between your representative and mine, with these opportunities, that you during the constant negotiations had half the thread in your own hand.
"Your object was, as Mr. Findlay openly has confessed before the man whom he believed he had bought, to get me out of the way in the most disgraceful manner. My object is to expose your plans to the whole world, and by the help of the agent whom you yourself have selected for your plans and whom you have attempted to bribe in order to get him to perpetrate an exceptionally vile crime.
"Once, when my man pretended that he was not satisfied with the sum which was bid him for the treachery, your agent ventured to raise the amount to 10,000. I have a precise inventory of the negotiations put forward and the promises which were given in your name.
"Your Amba.s.sador has twice given A. Christensen large money rewards--once 500 kroner in Norwegian money, another time a like sum partly in Norwegian money and partly in English gold. On one of these occasions, in order to be precise, December 7th, Mr. Findlay handed to Adler Christensen the key to a back door in the English Ministry so that he could come and go un.o.bserved. This key I intend to return personally to the owner, together with the various money rewards which he has forced upon my servant.
"The tales which Mr. Findlay told in these conversations would not deceive a schoolboy. All mentioned proofs of my plans and intentions which Adler Christensen produced, the mentioned letters, the fingered land and sea maps, etc., I must put together for my own defence to expose your criminal plan and thus come into possession of the indisputable proof which I now have.
"First.--On January 3rd Mr. Findlay exposed himself thus, that he, in the English Government"s name, gave my betrayer a safe undertaking from himself in which he promised him reward and impunity from any punishment if he committed the arranged crime. This piece of writing is in my hands. I have the honour to enclose a photograph of it.
"Then, the English Amba.s.sador in Norway obviously is in a position to give secret guarantees and safe impunity from punishment for crime, so I reserve myself for a time when I am not exposed to his persecutions to place before the Norwegian authorities the original letters and the whole of the proofs which are in my possession and as glaring illuminations of the British Government"s methods.
"I now permit myself, through you, Sir, to surrender to this Government my Order of St. Michael, the King George the Fifth"s Coronation Medal, and all the other distinctions which the British Government has given me.
"I am, your obedient and humble servant,
"ROGER CAs.e.m.e.nT."
Englishmen in Norway, or indeed throughout the whole of Scandinavia, who could have given the true history of Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt at that time might have been counted on the fingers of one hand.[14]
Norwegians naturally argued that one side of a story was good until the other was told. Meanwhile the newspapers did a remarkably fine business, as most editions were greedily bought up day after day and week after week, in the expectation of finding the reply of His Britannic Majesty"s Minister to the scathing indictment propounded against him.
According to the _Berliner Tageblatt_, and other German newspapers, this letter was sent to Sir Edward Grey on February 1st, but no answer had been received up to February 15th, when some of the most material allegations were being quoted in the Press. Nor did any answer ever appear, to the writer"s knowledge, from Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Mansfeldt de Cardonnel Findlay, or any other person; even after the letter had been re-published in full by the _Aftenposten_ in Christiania, and commented upon by other papers, and discussed from one end of Scandinavia to the other by men and women in every station of life.
That omission was publicly and privately stated to be a colossal mistake which would cost England, and the countries fighting by her side, very dearly indeed.
One would have thought that Mr. M. de C. Findlay would instantly have sent a short explanation in reply to every newspaper in Norway which reproduced any part of this fatal letter. He, however, remained in the seclusion of his castle on the hill of _Drammensvei_ and observed a prolonged and unbroken silence.
The honest, open-minded, and clean-thinking Norwegian people were disgusted beyond words. They looked to him for an explanation as of right. They waited long, but they did not see, neither did they hear, a word of denial. Sorrowfully but very naturally they actually began to believe these extraordinary accusations to be true in substance and in fact.
Now, references are made in this letter to "secret agents of the British Amba.s.sador approaching the man whom Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt refers to as his servant." Therefore the writer takes this, his first opportunity, of most clearly and emphatically denying that any member of the British Secret Service was in any way employed or engaged in this affair. Such Secret Service agents as were then working in Scandinavia were known to him (the writer), also their locations; not one of them was within hundreds of miles of Christiania at the time of the alleged transaction.
It should also be obvious that if any person exhibited such an amateurish display of incompetence and bungling as the accusations allege, that person would be more than useless for any Secret Service work, however simple it might be.
It seems quite impossible to believe that any man could have acted as Mr. M. de C. Findlay is said to have done.
What use was block letter-writing to conceal ident.i.ty if it was cyphered on Amba.s.sadorial note-paper?
Why use English gold when Norwegian money was available?
Why permit such a man to come near the Emba.s.sy at all?
Why see such a man personally?
Why give a key to a gate, or a door, which could be left open?
Why give a sc.r.a.p of writing or paper of any sort?
Why offer such ridiculous sums of money to a stranger, who, if he were such a man as suggested, would have accepted a fraction of the amount for such work?
If an investigation of the alleged proofs could show there was any semblance of truth in this story, then, indeed, "it certainly would not have _deceived a schoolboy_," as the letter quotes.
a.s.suming, for the sake of argument, that an alien to a neutral country (whosoever that person might be or in whatsoever walk of life he might happen to be placed) had made himself a danger to the realm; that it might have been considered an advantage to the Allies if he were kidnapped and taken to a place of safe keeping so that he could be looked after until peace was declared. What more simple and inexpensive than to bring about a consummation of such wishes? Our friend Nixie Pixie, or Jim, or another of that ilk, any one of those individuals could have acted secretly and absolutely independently.
What could have been easier or more inexpensive than a quickly-cultivated acquaintanceship by a Secret Service agent with a person so named? A little dinner or light refreshment at a cafe, or a hall; drugged food or drink, followed by the natural announcement that one"s companion was temporarily indisposed or suffering from a slight excess of alcohol; a.s.sistance to a cab or other vehicle, nominally to convey him home but actually a quick journey to the docks and quay side, with rapid transport to a friendly ship! Thus such a job could have been accomplished for a few pounds without fuss, inconvenience, or publicity.
It would probably not be wide of the mark to venture the statement that many a man has been, perhaps even now is being, temporarily detained in the seclusion of some lonely lodging upon far less pretexts than the alleged revelations of Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt, until this tangled European skein be fully and completely unravelled. The annals of that grim fortress of Peter and Paul, the dungeon walls of which are washed by the turbid waters of the Neva (wherein the author has had personal experience of his own), could perhaps add histories of some interest, but if they are to be told they must form the pages of another chapter.
FOOTNOTES:
[10] Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt was hanged as a traitor at Pentonville Prison on August 3rd, 1916, after having been landed from a German submarine on the west coast of Ireland.
[11] This letter was circulated in the Berlin Press on February 13th, and most of its material parts appeared in the London _Times_ on February 15th, 1915, having been officially circulated through German wireless stations and received by the Marconi Company.
[12] The interpellation above referred to is probably the following: On January 8th, during a debate in the House of Lords on the national responsibility with regard to voluntary recruiting or compulsory service, Earl Curzon said:
"I should like to mention the case of Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt, which is one in which I take a personal interest, for in the old days at the Foreign Office I was his official superior. This gentleman went to Germany after the outbreak of war, where he has been accused of disgraceful and disloyal acts. His friends wrote to the papers that not too much attention should be paid to those acts, as they were doubtful about his mental condition. Since then his proceedings seem to me to have been characterised by perfect possession of his faculties. The last thing of which we have read is that he has prepared a pamphlet which has been printed by the German Government and circulated by the German Foreign Office pleading for an alliance between Germany and Ireland. I do not desire to comment upon it; it is unworthy of comment, but I wish to ask if this official who has received a t.i.tle is to continue in the enjoyment of his pension."
The Marquis of Crewe, on behalf of the Government replied:
"I have no particular information in regard to Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt. Even if he is still ent.i.tled to a pension it is evident, from what we have heard of his whereabouts, that he is not in a position to draw it, nor is he likely to become so; but I agree that such action as he is reported to have taken ought to be followed, as far as possible, with the infliction of the severest penalties. With that I couple the melancholy reflection that a man who has done such good services in the past, a.s.suming that he is still in possession of all his faculties, should have fallen so low as he appears to have done."
[13] No copy or trace of this letter can be found.--_Author._
[14] The following extract from the _Daily Telegraph_ lifts the veil as to the English position to October 7th, 1914. Sir F. E. Smith, K.C.
(Attorney-General) was appearing for the Crown at the trial of Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt in opening the case for the prosecution, on June 26th, 1916, before the Lord Chief Justice of England and other judges, the charge being one of High Treason without the Realm contrary to the Treason Act, 1851, and the account goes on:
"After stating that prisoner was born in County Dublin in 1864, the Attorney-General proceeded to recite the various offices he had filled as Consul at Rio de Janeiro, Lorenzo Marques, West Africa, the Gaboon, Congo Free State, Santos and Para. During the South African War he was employed on special service at Cape Town, and when hostilities ended he did not refuse the Queen"s South African Medal, although that was a war of which many Irishmen profoundly disapproved. They might perhaps therefore a.s.sume that at the age of thirty-six the crimes and delinquencies of this Empire had not engaged prisoner"s attention or affected his intelligence. On June 20th, 1911 he was made a knight, and the same year he received the Coronation Medal. In August, 1913, he retired on a pension. That pension had been honourably earned, and it would have been neither necessary nor proper to refer to it were it not for the sinister and wicked activities of prisoner which ensued.
Government pensions were paid quarterly, and on each occasion must be formally claimed by a statutory declaration setting forth the services for which the pension was awarded and the amount claimed. Prisoner made five such declarations, the first on October 2nd, 1913, and the last on October 7th, 1914.
"When notification was sent to prisoner by Sir Edward Grey of the intention to bestow a knighthood upon him, this enemy of England, this friend of Germany, this extreme and irreconcilable patriot, replied in the following terms:
""Dear Sir Edward Grey.--I find it very hard to choose words in which to make acknowledgment of the honour done me by the King. I am much moved by this proof of confidence and appreciation of my service in Putumayo conveyed to me by your letter, wherein you tell me the King has been graciously pleased, upon your recommendation, to confer upon me the honour of knighthood. I am indeed grateful to you for this signal a.s.surance of your personal esteem and support. I am very deeply sensible of the honour done me by His Majesty, and would beg that my humble duty might be presented to His Majesty, when you might do me the honour to convey to him my deep appreciation of the honour he has been graciously pleased to confer upon me."
"What happened to affect and corrupt prisoner"s mind he did not know."
Sir F. E. Smith then went on to describe Sir Roger Cas.e.m.e.nt"s visits to the internment camps in Germany, etc., which was after October, 1914.