That the symbol on vessels as shown in LXVII, 6, indicates liquid, or drink of some kind, is more than probable. It may refer to _balche_ (or _baleze_), the ceremonial drink, the symbol indicating the phonetic element _b_.
The upper portion of the figure shown in LXVII, 7, from Tro. 3*b and 4*b (in the s.p.a.ce) I was at first inclined to regard as a reptile of some kind, but the fact of its presence in the section relating to bees and honey, and the corkscrew markings, render it probable that it is beeswax. To this evidence may be added the fact that the symbol over which it is placed contains some of the elements of the _cib_ glyph.
There are a number of places where quite similar markings appear on seats and other things, but these are distinguished by the added line of dots, showing it, as will be seen hereafter, to be in these cases the _cab_ or _caban_ symbol.
The facts which have been mentioned, together with the form of the symbol, may possibly lead to a correct understanding of its origin. It seems probable that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief, and apparently only, essential element, is taken from the root of a plant and was the conventional method of representing that object. As it appears from Henderson"s Lexicon that "root" was one signification of _cib_ (probably from _cibah_, "to follow, succeed," which also signifies "born, manifested, root," alluding to origin), and also that in Zotzil _yib_ or _yibel_ is "root" (raiz de arbol, _yibel-te_), we find the reason why this was selected as the symbol to express the sound _cib_.
The fact that in the Zapotec _loo_ signifies "root" strengthens this conclusion and indicates that the symbol is not used simply for the sound indicated--that is, phonetically or ikonomatically--but also with reference to the signification.
THE SEVENTEENTH DAY
Maya, _caban_; Tzental, _chic_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _noh_; Zapotec, _xoo_; Nahuatl, _ollin_. In addition to these, the following are also sometimes given: In Mezt.i.tlan, _nahui olli_; Pipil, _tecpila nahuatl_.
This character, as is apparent from plate LXVII, 8-13, is subject to no material variation; in fact, to no variation which would prevent us from at once identifying it. That shown in LXVII, 8, is Landa"s figure. The change in position of the black spot and lines with reference to one another does not appear to have any significance. In the Troano and Cortesian codices the black dot is sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. In the Dresden Codex, however, it is nearly always on the left. The one shown in LXVII, 13, in which there is introduced a new element, is found several times in the last part of the Dresden Codex.
This character is used very frequently otherwise than as a day symbol, being found separate and in combination, also as a mark on a number of articles. As it is possible to determine with reasonable, and in fact satisfactory, certainty its signification in a number of instances where used otherwise than as a day symbol, some of these will be noticed, as they seem to furnish strong evidence of phoneticism. But I repeat here the statement made at the commencement of this paper, that in using this term "phoneticism," I include that which may, in a strict cla.s.sification, be called ikonomatic. However, before referring to these, it is best to give the interpretations of the names which have been suggested, as the bearing of our interpretations of the symbols will then be better understood.
The Mexican name _ollin_ or _olin_ is generally interpreted "motion or movement," with special reference to the earthquake. Dr Seler, however, adds "caoutchouc ball." In his first paper, heretofore referred to, he remarks in regard to the Maya, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names: "There is not much to be drawn from these words." In his subsequent paper he apparently relies upon the usual signification of the Mexican term, and from this and the signification of the Zapotec _xoo_, "powerful, strong, violent," concludes that the Tzental name may be consistently rendered by "large, powerful," and the Maya name by "that which is brought down, which is above," reference being made to ascending and descending. Dr Brinton derives the Maya term from _cab_, "might or strength," on the authority of the _Motul Dicc._, and says that in this sense it corresponds precisely with the Tzental _chic_ (equal Maya _chich_, "cosa fuerta y dura"), the Quiche-Cakchiquel _noh_, "strong, great," and the Zapotec _xoo_, "force, power, or might." Dr Seler, however, concludes that the Zapotec name is here to be interpreted "earth," or to be understood as referring to the earth. He thinks that the day symbol is an abbreviated form of, or derived from, LXVI, 49, which he takes to be a symbol of the G.o.ddess Chiribias or Ixchebelyax, whom he identifies with Zaczuy, "the white maiden." As will be observed, we have expressed the opinion that this glyph is a symbol for woman in the general sense, which conclusion appears to be confirmed by its connection with different female figures. There are, however, certain prefixes and suffixes which may serve to give it a specific application; for example, in LXVII, 14, from Dres. 16c, the prefix, according to my interpretation, contains the _z_ sound as its chief phonetic element. It is possible that in this case a particular person may be referred to by the prefix, the woman symbol being here simply a determinative. Dr Brinton, in his explanation of the month name _Zip_, remarks: "This was _Zuhuy Zip_, the virgin _Zip_, her name being properly _Dzip_, "to skin, to dress slain animals."" I prefer, however, to interpret the symbol by "maiden," or "young woman," the prefix signifying _zuhuy_. Nevertheless, the suffix in some instances, as LXVII, 15, from Dres. 18b, may indicate that a sacred or mythological personage is referred to, as it is added as a suffix in some cases to deity symbols; however, as it is often found in other relations, where it can have no such signification, I am not inclined to give it this interpretation, as the evident female deities are denoted by quite different glyphs.
The evidence that the Caban symbol is in some sense phonetic appears to me to be too strong to be rejected. In the first place, one of its chief elements is the corkscrew figure, which, as shown under the preceding day, appears to have _b_ as its consonant element, this sound being a prominent element of both _cib_ and _caban_. It also has been shown that it is not out of place in the woman glyph, under the supposition that this is also phonetic, as _chup_ or _chupal_ is the Maya name for woman, and the change from _b_ to _p_ is not uncommon. It is found in several places as that out of which plants are growing, as LXVII, 16, from Tro.
32b, which appears to represent some leguminous plant supported by a stake driven into the ground. It is that on which persons are sitting Indian fashion, and on which others are lying; again, it is that out of which a serpent is arising. As "earth," "ground," will furnish an entirely satisfactory explanation in all these cases, there is no apparent reason why it should not be accepted. As _cab_ has "earth" as one of its leading significations, we not only find therein a connection with the day name, but also an indication of phoneticism.
In Cort. 30a is the figure shown at LXVII, 17. The animal represented, notwithstanding the quadruped head, is conceded to be intended for the serpent. The shading around the vessel, a blotch of which is on the serpent"s nose, I take for the clay or paste out of which the vessel is being formed, or to be formed. In the division immediately below is a representation of what appears to be some step in the manufacture of vessels. May this not be correctly interpreted by _kancab_, "la terra roja o amarilla," or "red clay?" Henderson gives _cancan_ as an equivalent term of _kankan_. As I have not seen a copy of the colored edition of this codex, I can not say whether this interpretation is borne out by the color of the shading. If this interpretation be correct, the serpent figure must be used symbolically or as a true rebus.
In Tro. 9*c an individual is represented lifting what is supposed to be honey or honeycomb out of a box-shape object on which is the _caban_ symbol. This symbol is presumed to indicate the contents--"honey." If this supposition be correct, then, as _cab_ is the Maya name for "honey," we have in this coincidence in sound and glyph another indication of pboneticism. Support is given to this interpretation by the fact that this is found in what is known as the "bee section," and that on the upper division of the same plate the same figure, with the _caban_ symbol upon it, is seen in the hands of an individual who holds it to a bee.
As the character when used otherwise than a day symbol is frequently, perhaps most generally, drawn with a suffix, as shown in LXVII, 18, I suggest that it is possible it is a conventional method of representing earth or soil. By reference to the Borgian Codex, plate 11, also 19a and 61b, it will be seen that where earth is introduced into the picture it is indicated by heavy and wavy lines, as shown in LXVII, 19. This bears a very strong resemblance to the suffix of LXVII, 18. The corkscrew or root figure is added as appropriate, as an element, in forming an earth figure. Such, I am inclined to believe, is the origin of the symbol which, when used to indicate anything else than earth, is used phonetically or ikonomatically. The figure shown in LXVII, 20, from Dres. 30a, which Seler calls a serpent, is merely the representation of a clay image and the seat or oratorio in which it is placed. It is probably from something of comparatively small size, burnt in one piece.
The mark of the earth symbol, to distinguish the substance of which it is made, is certainly appropriate. In Tro. 6b we see another on which is quite a different symbol, indicating, as will hereafter be shown, that the material is wood.
The compound character in LXVII, 21, is found in Tro. 9*b and 10*c. It occurs in the latter twice, the parts, however, reversed in the parallel groups, while in that of 9*b one is above the other. These variants do not necessarily indicate a difference in the signification, as can readily be ascertained by comparing characters in the numerous parallel groups. Omitting the prefix, this maybe rendered _mak-cab_, "to eat honey without chewing (that is, by sucking); to break into a hive and steal the honey." By reference to the plates on which the symbols are found the appropriateness of this rendering will be apparent, if I rightly interpret the figures below the text. There we see the twisted red symbols denoting the fire kindled beneath the hives, or beehouses, by which to drive out or destroy the busy little workers. In one of the fires we observe bone symbols, probably denoting a method of giving to the smoke an unpleasant odor, as rags were formerly used in some sections of our country for the same purpose.
The characters shown in LXVII, 22 and 23, are from the upper part of Cort. 22, which is supposed to be the right half of the so-called "t.i.tle page" of the Tro. Codex. These are interpreted by Seler, and probably correctly, as indicating "above" and "below" (LXVII, 22, the former, and LXVII, 23, the latter). By following the line in which these characters are found, through the two pages, beginning at the left of the plate of the Tro. Codex, the result appears to be as follows, giving the signification of the characters so far as known: First, the four cardinal points in one direction, then two characters apparently corresponding with the two we have figured, one of which is partly obliterated; next the cardinal points in an opposite direction, after which follow the two characters shown in LXVII, 22 and 23. As the right half of the first (22) is the _cab_ or _caban_ symbol, it is presumable that it has here substantially the same phonetic value. It is probable, therefore, that the whole compound character maybe rendered _yokcabil_ (or _okcabil_), "above the earth," or as Henderson, who gives two words of this form, interprets the first, "over, above the earth, above." The second (LXVII, 23) has also as its chief part the _cab_ symbol, and the upper right-hand portion appears to have _x"m_ as its chief phonetic elements. It is possible that _cabnix_; "a stair," "downward," given by Henderson, furnishes the phonetic equivalent of the compound character.
These six directions, according to Dr J. W. Fewkes,[257-1] were noted by the Tusayan Indians in some of their religious ceremonies. Mr Cushing says the same thing is true in regard to some of the Zuni ceremonies.
Plate LXVII, 24, is a compound character from Dres. 39b, below which the long-nose deity holds in his hand a peculiar article (LXVII, 25), "as if," says Seler, "pouring out of a bottle." That the prefix has the interior cross-hatched when complete appears from a number of other places, as, for example, in the upper division of the same plate. This, as heretofore stated, gives the _x_ or _ch_ sound. It is possible, therefore, that the symbol, omitting the right portion, should be interpreted _xachcab_, "abrir de par en par," or _hechcab_, "to open little by little, to develop, discover it" (Henderson). As the right portion has a character resembling the _Muluc_ symbol as its chief element, and below it the _u_ glyph, we may translate it _muyal_, "cloud." This would give as the meaning of the entire symbol "open the cloud"--that is, "to pour out the rain." As this is connected with a rain series, and we see a similar glyph (though with different prefix) on plate 38b, where the same deity is in the midst of a rain storm and holding in his hand a similar object, the rendering appears to be, at least, appropriate. It is to be further observed that this combined _Caban_ and _Muluc_ symbol is found frequently in connection with rain storms and cloud symbols.
According to the interpretation given LXVII, 22 and 24, the compound symbol shown at 26, from Dres. 35b and 34b, should be rendered _Yokcabil muyal_, "the cloud above." As we see in both places, in the picture under the text, the looped serpent inclosing water, which Dr Seler considers the "water sack" or cloud, this interpretation is appropriate.
As further confirmation of the interpretation given LXVII, 22, attention is called to the picture in Tro. 32*c over which the same symbol is found. Here the allusion is doubtless to the basket-like covering over, or "above," the black deity lying on a mat.
THE EIGHTEENTH DAY
Maya, _edznab_ or _ezanab_; Tzental, _chinax_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _tihax_; Zapotec, _gopaa_; Nahuatl, _tecpatl_.
The form of the symbol of this day varies but little in the codices, as shown by plate LXVII, 28-31. It is seldom found in this form in combination. If its equivalent is given in these, it is of the form shown in 33. It is, however, occasionally seen on articles of stone, as the spearpoint (32) and stone hatchet (34) and sacrificial knife. It also appears in the symbol for the stone mortar (36) from Tro. 19c.
Before discussing its signification and probable origin we will give the significations which have been suggested of the different names of the day.
The signification of the Nahuatl name--_tecpatl_--is "flint." Dr Brinton says, "especially the flint-stone knife used in sacrificing, to cut the victim." Dr Seler finds agreement in the Tzental name from a statement, by Nunez de la Vega, that the symbol _chinax_, or rather the tutelary G.o.d of the same, was a great warrior, who was always represented in the calendars with a banner in his hand, and that he was slain and burned by the nagual of another heathen symbol. Dr Brinton states that the name "is an old or sacred form of the usual _zni-nax_, "knife."" The literal meaning of the Cakchiquel _tihax_ is, according to Ximenes, "it bites, sc.r.a.ping" (muerde rasgando). Dr Seler, however, affirms that Ximenes (with what authority he knows not) gives "obsidian" as the meaning. He thinks the word is related to the root _teuh_, "cold"--_tih-ih_, "to be cold"--with which may be compared the words _tic_, "to stick in, p.r.i.c.k;"
_tiz_, "to st.i.tch," and _tiztic_, "pointed."
In regard to the Zapotec name, _gopa_, _gopaa_, or _opa_, the authors named differ quite widely, Dr Seler deriving it from _rogopa_, "cold,"
and Dr Brinton suggesting that it is more likely "a variant of _guipa_, a sharp point or edge, whence the word for stone knife, _gueza-guipa_, from _guia_, stone."
The Maya name, however, does not appear to be readily brought into harmony with the others. Dr Seler simply remarks that it may be related to the root _e_, "firm, rigid, hard." Pio Perez offers no explanation.
Dr Brinton suggests that it is a figurative expression for the sacrificial knife, from _nab_, something anointed, or blood, and _edz_, to adjust, to point, to sharpen.
There can be no question that the articles in the codices on which the trembling cross is found consists, in most instances, if not all, of stone. Hence it is a reasonable conclusion that the primary signification of the symbol is stone. The Zotzil name for "flint"
(pedernal) is _zuiton_.
I am inclined to believe that the symbol is derived from a conventional form used for indicating stone or flint, probably from the cracks or fissures in it.
I am not prepared yet to discuss the somewhat similar figures which a.s.sume the form of the St Anthony cross. Various interpretations, as symbol for "union," "night sun," etc, have been given. However, as this form is never used as a day symbol, it has no direct relation to the present discussion.
THE NINETEENTH DAY
Maya, _cauac_; Tzental, _cahogh_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _caok_, _cook_; Zapotec, _ape_, _appe_, _aape_; Nahuatl, _quiahuitl_.
The various forms of the symbol of this day are shown in plate 37-48--that by Landa at 37; those of the Troano and Cortesian codices at 38-43, and those from the Dresden Codex at 45-47. The irregular form given at 44 is from Tro. 28d, and that at 48 from the Peresia.n.u.s.
This symbol is found quite frequently in combination with other characters, in some of which its phonetic value can be ascertained with reasonable certainty. For example, it forms the lower half of the symbol for the month _Yax_, as seen at LXIV, 12; also in the symbol for the month _Zac_ (LXVI, 48). In both these instances its chief phonetic element appears to be the guttural sound _k_, or _ks_. The essential elements are also found frequently on objects which are undoubtedly of wood and where no reasonable explanation can be given except that it signifies "wood" in these places. For example, it is found on what appear to be boards carried in the hands of individuals, on Tro. 32*b (LXVII, 49); and it also is seen on what appear to be wooden boxes or gums from which the honeycomb is being removed, as Tro. 5*c and 9*a. Dr Seler, who gives quite a different interpretation of the character from that presented here, admits that these are boards. It is also found on trees, as Tro. 15*a (shown in LXVIII, 1) and 17*a, and Dres. 26c, 27c, and 28c. It is marked on the walls of houses or canopied seats, as Tro.
6b, 29*c, and 18*b. Under the last mentioned we observe the _cab_ symbol, showing that it is a building placed on the ground and not on a stone foundation. It also appears on the ends of beams, as at Tro. 9a and 22*a. True, Dr Seler contends that these are stones instead of weight poles, but I think all trappers will decide against him. Again, it appears on seats (Tro. 13a and 14*a) and also marked on heads, one of which is shown in LXVIII, 2. That the symbol is not intended to indicate the different articles on which it is found is evident; hence it must be given to denote the substance of which these things are formed, which I maintain can only be wood. That the trees and boards must be wood is admitted; that the walls of many of the houses and of some of the other buildings of Yucatan were of wood must be admitted; that seats were often of wood is well known. The heads with this mark are in all probability representations of wooden masks. Masks are represented in the hands of individuals at several places in the codices, as Dres.
42(1)a and in Peresia.n.u.s. I therefore conclude that in all these cases the symbol is to be interpreted by _che_, _cheil_, "wood, tree, timber, stick." In order to show the difference between the explanation given here and that by Dr Seler, I copy the latter:
We find, for instance, on the one hand the undoubted application which is connected with the idea of cloud or rain. Thus, in the hieroglyph, figure 80, the accompanying hieroglyph of figure 46, i. e., the bird Moan. So also the one in figure 28 (p. 107) the accompanying hieroglyph of the name Kinchahau, which, besides cauac, contains further the element of fire and that of the hatchet, which may remind us of the ray [or flash] darting from the cloud. The hieroglyph cauac is, however, used far more commonly in the sense of "stone" or "heaviness." This is most clearly shown in the case of the animal figures pictured in Cod. Tro. 9a and 22*a, where the stone laid upon and weighing down the horizontal beam is represented by the element cauac. But this explanation must be accepted also, because we find the pyramidal foundation of the temple covered with the element cauac. And where, in Cod. Tro.
15*a, to the Chac who is felling a tree is opposed the death G.o.d, also felling a tree, covered by the element cauac, it is clear that here there is subst.i.tuted with the death G.o.d a rigid stone in place of what with the Chac is a sprouting tree. The numerous cases in which the hieroglyph cauac serves as a seat or footstool of the G.o.ds are sometimes easily interpreted as signifying clouds, but in the majority of cases it undoubtedly represents "stone," h.o.m.ologous to the hieroglyph caban and the element _tun_, "stone," itself (figure 85), both of which are found equally often denoting the seat and footstool of the G.o.ds. It is equally evident that in the hieroglyph figure 84, in which there is indicated the bearing of a burden on the back, the element cauac is to be understood simply as the expression of the weight, the burden. In the peculiar cases where we see the G.o.ds holding a board provided with the elements of the character cauac, or where a board is placed before the G.o.ds, furnished with a plaited handle whose side bears the element cauac, the latter seems to relate to a sounding board, for the accompanying hieroglyphs seem to signify music. Finally, there can be found a direct h.o.m.ology between the element cauac and the element tun. This is seen in the hieroglyph of the hunting G.o.d of figure 83, whose distinguishing mark is usually an eye or the element tun (i. e., a precious stone), which he hears in the front of the headdress. The hieroglyph of this G.o.d is written sometimes as in figure 81, sometimes as figure 82. And that the element here, which in figure 82 replaces the element cauac, is to be understood in fact as tun or "stone, precious stone," is evident, on the one hand from the application of the precious stone in the headdress (tun, "piedra, piedra preciosa"), and, on the other hand, from its use as the base of the pole on which Mam, the Uayeyab demon, is set up during the xma kaba kin (Cod. Dres. 25c). Now, it is true that a connection of ideas can be established with considerable certainty between clouds, rain, and stone, for in that region every rain was a thunderstorm. But at the same time it will be found comprehensible that a barrier of doubt was removed when I discovered in the course of my Zapotec studies that in Zapotec the same word was used for "rain" and "stone," namely, _quia_, _quie_.
[Ill.u.s.tration: PL. LXVIII COPIES OF GLYPHS FROM THE CODICES]
According to the explanation I have given above, the chief phonetic element of the character is the guttural sound _k_, _ks_ (or _x_), and _ch_. As additional evidence tending to confirm this conclusion, the following examples are given:
Symbols 61, LXV, from Tro. 22*a, and 62, from Dres. 1 (42), have already been explained, the first as signifying _kutz_ or _cutz_, "the turkey,"
and the second _tzac_, the name of a certain fish found in the senotes.
In the first (61) the first or left-hand character is our _Cauac_ symbol and has the _k_ sound, and the same symbol forms the right portion in the second (62) and also has the _k_ sound. In LXVI, 47, from Dres. 18c, the _Cauac_ symbol forms the first or upper portion. The whole compound symbol, as above shown, may be consistently interpreted _cuchpach_, "a porter or carrier;" literally, "one who bears on the back." Again we see the _k_ sound given the character is consistent. The symbol for the month _Ceh_, as found in the Dresden Codex, is shown at LXVI, 44. In this the last or lower portion is also the _Cauac_ character, and, according to the value a.s.signed it, should have a harder sound than the simple aspirate. That such is the case is rendered probable by the fact that Henderson gives _ceh_ and _kez_ both as names of the month and as Maya words for "deer." In the Zotzil _chigh_ is the name for "deer." It is therefore apparent that the symbol has here the guttural sound.
The glyphs in LXVII, 50 and 51 (Cort. 21), probably signify "night" and "evening"; the first (50), _akab_, "night," and the second (51), _kankin_, one signification of which, according to Henderson, is "evening." The wing-like appendage is probably a time determinative.
These last interpretations are of course given with some doubt. However, this may be said in their favor, that wing-like appendages are usually attached to time symbols, and that the figures below the text represent persons, each of whom carries what appears to be a wheel, possibly like those used in keeping time, and the main character of the preceding symbol in both cases is the _Manik_ glyph, having _ch_ as its chief phonetic element and _chackinil_, signifying "hours, wheel." Precisely the same symbol as LXVII, 51, preceded by the _Manik_ glyph, and a wheel in the hand of the person figured below the text, is seen in Troano 35d.
The character shown in LXVII, 52, from Tro. 35c, may possibly be correctly rendered by _bakah_ (_baakal_), "to roll round about, to go round about," alluding to the flight of the vulture figured below the text. This supposition appears to be strengthened by the probable interpretation of the symbol immediately below it (LXVII, 53), _malaalahah_, "without repeated buffetings." The character given in LXVIII, 3, from Tro. 31a, may be interpreted _pak_, "to sow seed, to plant," and that shown in LXVIII, 4, from the second division of the same plate, indicates the same word, as the transposition of the parts of a symbol does not always indicate a change of signification.
Possibly, however, its equivalent may be _capak_, "to reseed or sow seed the second time," or _kapak_, "to place in a trench or hole." As the persons figured below the text appear to be planting seed by dibbling them in with a stick, this would seem to be an appropriate rendering. Dr Seler appears to have entirely misunderstood these figures, as he thinks they represent the deities pouring out water. I have in a previous part of this paper given some reasons for believing that these plates refer to the planting and cultivation of corn.
These examples will suffice at this point.
It is difficult to decide as to the origin of the glyph. However, I am inclined to believe it has grown out of a conventional symbol for wood, possibly drawn from the little knots and marks seen on the inside surface of split wood. This may be wide of the true explanation, but all the indications I can find point in this direction. As "wood" (_lena_) in Zotzil (I do not know what it is in Tzental) is _ci_--equal to _ki_ or _qi_--we obtain the guttural sound which appears to be the chief element of the symbol. In its use it appears to shade off from the hard to the soft sound.
The Zapotec name _ape_, which, according to Dr Brinton, may properly be translated by "lightning," or "the lightning flash," is much like the name for "fire" which prevails throughout Oceanica. Commencing with the Malay _api_, we trace it through the Oceanic islands in such forms as _api, lap, yap, nap, yaf_; to New Zealand _kapura_; Tonga and Samoan _afi_, and Hawaiian _ahi_.
In the Zapotec words _laari-api-niza_ and _ri-api-laha_, translated "relampage, relampaguear," we find precisely the original form of the Oceanic word for "five."