XLIII. Finis vitae ejus n.o.bis luctuosus, amicis tristis, extraneis etiam ignotisque non sine cura fuit. Vulgus quoque et hic aliud agens populus et vent.i.tavere ad domum, et per fora et circulos locuti sunt: nec quisquam audita morte Agricolae aut laetatus est aut statim oblitus.
Augebat miserationem constans rumor, veneno interceptum. n.o.bis nihil comperti affirmare ausim: ceterum per omnem valetudinem ejus, crebrius quam ex more princ.i.p.atus per nuntios visentis, et libertorum primi et medicorum intimi venere: sive cura illud sive inquisitio erat. Supremo quidem die, momenta deficientis per dispositos cursores nuntiata constabat, nullo credente sic accelerari, quae tristis audiret. Speciem tamen doloris animo vultuque prae se tulit, securus jam odii, et qui facilius dissimularet gaudium, quam metum. Satis constabat, lecto testamento Agricolae, quo cohaeredem optimae uxori et piissimae filiae Domitianum scripsit, laetatum eum velut honore judicioque: tam caeca et corrupta mens a.s.siduis adulationibus erat, ut nesciret a bono patre non scribi haeredem, nisi malum principem.
XLIV. Natus erat Agricola, Caio Caesare tertium consule, Idibus Juniis: excessit s.e.xto et quinquagesimo anno, decimo Kalendas Septembris, Collega Priscoque consulibus. Quod si habitum quoque ejus posteri noscere velint, decentior quam sublimior fuit; nihil metus in vultu, gratia oris supererat bonum virum facile crederes, magnum libenter. Et ipse quidem, quanquam medio in spatio integrae aetatis ereptus, quantum ad gloriam, longissimum aevum peregit. Quippe et vera bona, quae in virtutibus sita sunt, impleverat, et consulari ac triumphalibus ornamentis praedito, quid aliud adstruere fortuna poterat? Opibus nimiis non gaudebat; speciosae contigerant. Filia atque uxore superst.i.tibus, potest videri etiam beatus; incolumi dignitate, florente fama, salvis affinitatibus et amicitiis, futura effugisse. Nam sicuti durare in hac beatissimi saeculi luce ac principem Trajanum videre, quod augurio votisque apud nostras aures ominabatur, ita festinatae mortis grande solatium tulit, evasisse postremum illud tempus, quo Domitia.n.u.s non jam per intervalla ac spiramenta temporum, sed continuo et velut uno ictu rempublicam exhausit.
XLV. Non vidit Agricola obsessam curiam, et clausum armis senatum, et eadem strage tot consularium caedes, tot n.o.bilissimarum feminarum exsilia et fugas. Una adhuc victoria Carus Metius censebatur, et intra Albanam arcem sententia Messalini strepebat, et Ma.s.sa Bebius jam tum reus erat.
Mox nostrae duxere Helvidium in carcerem ma.n.u.s: nos Maurici Rusticique visus, nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit. Nero tamen subtraxit oculos jussitque scelera, non spectavit: praecipua sub Domitiano miseriarum pars erat videre et aspici: c.u.m suspiria nostra subscriberentur; c.u.m denotandis tot hominum palloribus sufficeret saevus ille vultus et rubor, quo se contra pudorem muniebat. Tu vero felix, Agricola, non vitae tantum claritate, sed etiam opportunitate mortis. Ut perhibent qui interfuerunt novissimis sermonibus tuis, constans et libens fatum excepisti; tanquam pro virili portione innocentiam principi donares. Sed mihi filiaeque ejus, praeter acerbitatem parentis erepti, auget moest.i.tiam, quod a.s.sidere valetudini, fovere deficientem, satiari vultu, complexu, non contigit: excep.i.s.semus certe mandata vocesque, quas penitus animo figeremus. Noster hic dolor, nostrum vulnus: n.o.bis tam longae absentiae conditione ante quadriennium amissus est. Omnia sine dubio, optime parentum, a.s.sidente amantissima uxore, superfuere honori tuo: paucioribus tamen lacrimis compositus es, et novissima in luce desideravere aliquid oculi tui.
XLVI. Si quis piorum manibus locus, si, ut sapientibus placet, non c.u.m corpore exstinguuntur magnae animae, placide quiescas, nosque, domum tuam, ab infirmo desiderio et muliebribus lamentis ad contemplationem virtutum tuarum voces, quas neque lugeri neque plangi fas est: admiratione te potius, te immortalibus laudibus, et, si natura suppeditet, similitudine decoremus. Is verus honos, ea conjunctissimi cujusque pietas. Id filiae quoque uxorique praeceperim, sic patris, sic mariti memoriam venerari, ut omnia facta dictaque ejus sec.u.m revolvant, formamque ac figuram animi magis quam corporis complectantur: non quia intercedendum putem imaginibus, quae marmore aut aere finguntur; sed ut vultus hominum, ita simulacra vultus imbecilla ac mortalia sunt; forma mentis aeterna, quam tenere et exprimere non per alienam materiam et artem, sed tuis ipse moribus possis. Quidquid ex Agricola amavimus, quidquid mirati sumus, manet mansurumque est in animis hominum, in aeternitate temporum, fama rerum. Nam multos veterum, velut inglorios, et ign.o.biles, oblivio obruet: Agricola posteritati narratus et traditus superstes erit.
NOTES
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS.
Several words, which occur most frequently in the Notes, are abbreviated.
Of these the following cla.s.ses may require explanation. The other abbreviations are either familiar or sufficiently obvious of themselves.
1. WORKS OF TACITUS.
A. Agricola.
Ann. Annals.
G. Germania.
H. Histories.
T. Tacitus.
2. ANNOTATORS CITED AS AUTHORITIES.
Br. Brotier.
D. or Dod. Doderlein.
Dr. Dronke.
E. Ernesti.
Gr. Gruber.
Gun. Gunther.
K. Kiessling.
Ky. Kingsley.
Mur. Murphy.
Or. Orelli.
Pa.s.s. Pa.s.sow.
R. Roth.
Rhen. Rhena.n.u.s.
Rit. Ritter.
Rup. Ruperti.
W. Walch.
Wr. Walther.
3. OTHER AUTHORITIES.
H. Harkness" Latin Grammar.
Beck. Gall. Becker"s Gallus.
Bot. Lex. Tac. Botticher"s Lexicon Taciteun.
For. and Fac. Forcellini and Facciolati"s Latin Lexicon.
Tur. His. Ang. Sax. Turner"s History of the Anglo-Saxons.
Z. Zumpt"s Latin Grammar.
GERMANIA.
The Treatise DE SITU, MORIBUS ET POPULIS GERMANIAE, was written (as appears from the treatise itself see -- 37) in the second consulship of the Emperor Trajan, A.U.C. 851, A.D. 98. The design of the author in its publication has been variously interpreted. From the censure which it frequently pa.s.ses upon the corruption and degeneracy of the times, it has been considered as a mere satire upon Roman manners, in the age of Tacitus. But to say nothing of the ill adaptation of the whole plan to a satirical work, there are large parts of the treatise, which must have been prepared with great labor, and yet can have no possible bearing on such a design. Satires are not wont to abound in historical notices and geographical details, especially touching a foreign and distant land.
The same objection lies against the _political_ ends, which have been imputed to the author, such as the persuading of Trajan to engage, or _not_ to engage, in a war with the Germans, as the most potent and dangerous enemy of Rome. For both these aims have been alleged, and we might content ourselves with placing the one as an offset against the other. But aside from the neutralizing force of such contradictions, wherefore such an imposing array of geographical research, of historical lore, of political and moral philosophy, for the accomplishment of so simple a purpose? And why is the purpose so scrupulously concealed, that confessedly it can be gathered only from obscure intimations, and those of ambiguous import? Besides, there are pa.s.sages whose tendency must have been directly counter to either of these alleged aims (cf. note -- 33).
The author does indeed, in the pa.s.sage just cited, seem to appreciate with almost prophetic accuracy, those dangers to the Roman Empire, which were so fearfully ill.u.s.trated in its subsequent fall beneath the power of the German Tribes; and he utters, as what true Roman would not in such forebodings, the warnings and the prayers of a patriot sage. But he does this only in episodes, which are so manifestly incidental, and yet arise so naturally out of the narrative or description, that it is truly surprising it should ever have occurred to any reader, to seek in them the key to the whole treatise.
The entire warp and woof of the work is obviously _historical_ and _geographical_. The satire, the political maxims, the moral sentiments, and all the rest, are merely incidental, interwoven for the sake of instruction and embellishment, inwrought because a mind so thoughtful and so acute as that of Tacitus, could not leave them out. Tacitus had long been collecting the materials for his Roman Histories. In so doing, his attention was necessarily drawn often and with special interest to a people, who, for two centuries and more, had been the most formidable enemy of the Roman State. In introducing them into his history, he would naturally wish to give some preliminary account of their origin, manners, and inst.i.tutions, as he does in introducing the Jews in the Fifth Book of his Histories, which happens to be, in part, preserved. Nor would it be strange, if he should, with this view, collect a ma.s.s of materials, which he could not incorporate entire into a work of such compa.s.s, and which any slight occasion might induce him to publish in a separate form, perhaps as a sort of forerunner to his Histories. [It has even been argued by highly respectable scholars, that the Germania of Tacitus is itself only such a collection of materials, not published by the Author, and never intended for publication in that form. But it is quite too methodical, too studied, and too finished a work to admit of that supposition (cf. Prolegom. of K.).] Such an occasion now was furnished in the campaigns and victories of Trajan, who, at the time of his elevation to the imperial power, was at the head of the Roman armies in Germany, where he also remained for a year or more after his accession to the throne, till he had received the submission of the hostile tribes and wiped away the disgrace which the Germans, beyond any other nation of that age, had brought upon the Roman arms. Such a people, at such a time, could not fail to be an object of deep interest at Rome. This was the time when Tacitus published his work on Germany; and such are believed to have been the motives and the circ.u.mstances, which led to the undertaking. His grand object was not to point a satire or to compa.s.s a political end, but as he himself informs us (-- 27), to treat of the origin and manners, the geography and history, of the German Tribes.
The same candor and sincerity, the same correctness and truthfulness, which characterize the Histories, mark also the work on Germany. The author certainly aimed to speak the truth, and nothing but the truth, on the subject of which he treats. Moreover, he had abundant means of knowing the truth, on all the main points, in the character and history of the Germans. It has even been argued from such expression as _vidimus_ (-- 8), that Tacitus had himself been in Germany, and could, therefore, write from personal observation. Bnt the argument proceeds on a misinterpretation of his language (cf. note in _loc. cit_.). And the use of _accepimus_ (as in -- 27), shows that he derived his information from others. But the Romans had been in constant intercourse and connection, civil or military, with the Germans, for two hundred years. Germany furnished a wide theatre for their greatest commanders, and a fruitful theme for their best authors, some of whom, as Julius Caesar (to whom Tacitus particularly refers, 28), were themselves the chief actors in what they relate. These authors, some of whose contributions to the history of Germany are now lost (e.g. the elder Pliny, who wrote twenty books on the German wars), must have all been in the hands of Tacitus, and were, doubtless, consulted by him; not, however, as a servile copyist, or mere compiler (for he sometimes differs from his authorities, from Caesar even, whom he declares to be the best of them), but as a discriminating and judicious inquirer. The account of German customs and inst.i.tutions may, therefore, be relied on, from the intrinsic credibility of the author. It receives confirmation, also, from its general accordance with other early accounts of the Germans, and with their better known subsequent history, as well as from its strong a.n.a.logy to the well-known habits of our American aborigines, and other tribes in a like stage of civilization (cf. note, -- 15). The geographical details are composed with all the accuracy which the ever-shifting positions and relations of warring and wandering tribes rendered possible in the nature of the case (cf. note, -- 28). In sentiment, the treatise is surpa.s.singly rich and instructive, like all the works of this prince of philosophical historians. In style, it is concise and nervous, yet quite rhetorical, and in parts, even poetical to a fault (see notes pa.s.sim, cf. also, Monboddo"s critique on the style of Tacitus). "The work," says La Bletterie, "is brief without being superficial. Within the compa.s.s of a few pages, it comprises more of ethics and politics, more fine delineations of character, more substance and pith (_suc_), than can be collected from many a ponderous volume. It is not one of those barely agreeable descriptions, which gradually diffuse their influence over the soul, and leave it in undisturbed tranquillity. It is a picture in strong light, like the subject itself, full of fire, of sentiment, of lightning-flashes, that go at once to the heart. We imagine ourselves in Germany; we become familiar with these so-called barbarians; we pardon their faults, and almost their vices, out of regard to their virtues; and in our moments of enthusiasm, we even wish we were Germans."
The following remarks of Murphy will ill.u.s.trate the value of the treatise, to modern Europeans and their descendants. "It is a draught of savage manners, delineated by a masterly hand; the more interesting, as the part of the world which it describes was the seminary of the modern European nations, the v.a.g.i.n.a GENTIUM, as historians have emphatically called it. The work is short but, as Montesquieu observes, it is the work of a man who abridged every thing, because he knew every thing. A thorough knowledge of the transactions of barbarous ages, will throw more light than is generally imagined on the laws of modern times. Wherever the barbarians, who issued from their northern hive, settled in new habitations, they carried with them their native genius, their original manners, and the first rudiments of the political system which has prevailed in different parts of Europe. They established monarchy and liberty, subordination and freedom, the prerogative of the prince and the rights of the subject, all united in so bold a combination, that the fabric, in some places, stands to this hour the wonder of mankind. The British const.i.tution, says Montesquieu, came out of the woods of Germany.
What the state of this country (Britain) was before the arrival of our Saxon ancestors, Tacitus has shown in the life of Agricola. If we add to his account of the Germans and Britons, what has been transmitted to us, concerning them, by Julius Caesar, we shall see the origin of the Anglo-Saxon government, the great outline of that Gothic const.i.tution under which the people enjoy their rights and liberties at this hour.
Montesquieu, speaking of his own country, declares it impossible to form an adequate notion of the French monarchy, and the changes of their government, without a previous inquiry into the manners, genius, and spirit of the German nations. Much of what was incorporated with the inst.i.tutions of those fierce invaders, has flowed down in the stream of time, and still mingles with our modern jurisprudence. The subject, it is conceived, is interesting to every Briton. In the manners of the Germans, the reader will see our present frame of government, as it were, in its cradle, _gentis cunabula nostrae_! in the Germans themselves, a fierce and warlike people, to whom this country owes that spirit of liberty, which, through so many centuries, has preserved our excellent form of government, and raised the glory of the British nation:
------Genus unde Latinum, Albanique patres, atque altae moenia Romae."
CHAP. I. _Germania_ stands first as the emphatic word, and is followed by _omnis_ for explanation. _Germania omnis_ here does not include Germania Prima and Secunda, which were Roman provinces on the left bank of the Rhine (so called because settled by Germans). It denotes _Germany proper_, as a _whole_, in distinction from the provinces just mentioned and from the several tribes, of which Tacitus treats in the latter part of the work. So Caesar (B.G. 1,1) uses _Gallia omnis_, as exclusive of the Roman provinces called Gaul and inclusive of the three _parts_, which he proceeds to specify.
_Gallis--Pannoniis_. People used for the countries. Cf. His. 5,6: _Phoenices. Gaul_, now France; _Rhaetia_, the country of the Grisons and the Tyrol, with part of Bavaria; _Pannonia_, lower Hungary and part of Austria. Germany was separated from Gaul by the Rhine; from Rhaetia and Pannonia, by the Danube.--_Rheno et Danubio_. Rhine and Rhone are probably different forms of the same root (Rh-n). Danube, in like manner, has the same root as Dnieper (Dn-p); perhaps also the same as Don and Dwina (D-n). Probably each of these roots was originally a generic name for river, water, stream. So there are several _Avons_ in England and Scotland. Cf. Latham"s Germania sub voc.
_Sarmatis Dacisque_. The Slavonic Tribes were called Sarmatians by the ancients. _Sarmatia_ included the country north of the Carpathian Mountains, between the Vistula and the Don in Europe, together with the adjacent part of Asia, without any definite limits towards the north, which was terra incognita to the ancients--in short, Sarmatia was _Russia_, as far as known at that time. _Dacia_ lay between the Carpathian mountains on the north, and the Danube on the south, including Upper Hungary, Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia.
_Mutuo metu_. Rather a poetical boundary! Observe also the alliteration.
At the same time, the words are not a bad description of those wide and solitary wastes, which, as Caesar informs us (B.G. 6, 23), the Germans delighted to interpose between themselves and other nations, so that it might appear that _no one dared to dwell near them.--Montibus_. The Carpathian.--_Cetera_. Ceteram Germaniae partem.
_Sinus_. This word denotes any thing with a curved outline (cf. 29, also A. 23); hence bays, peninsulas, and prominent bends or borders, whether of land or water. Here _peninsulas_ (particularly that of Jutland, now Denmark), for it is to the author"s purpose here to speak of land rather than water, and the ocean is more properly said to _embrace peninsulas_, than _gulfs_ and _bays_. Its a.s.sociation with _islands_ here favors the same interpretation. So Pa.s.sow, Or., Rit. Others, with less propriety, refer it to the _gulfs_ and _bays_, which so mark the Baltic and the German Oceans.--_Ocea.n.u.s_ here, includes both the Baltic Sea, and the German Ocean (Ocea.n.u.s Septentrionalis).
_Insularum--spatia. Islands of vast extent_, viz. Funen, Zealand, &c.
Scandinavia also (now Sweden and Norway) was regarded by the ancients as an island, cf. Plin. Nat. His. iv. 27: quarum (insularum) clarissima Scandinavia est, incompertae magnitudinis.
_Nuper--regibus_. Understand with this clause _ut compertum est_. The above mentioned features of the Northern Ocean had been _discovered_ in the prosecution of the late wars, of the Romans, among the tribes and kings previously unknown. _Nuper_ is to be taken in a general sense==recentioribus temporibus, cf. _nuper additum_, -- 2, where it goes back one hundred and fifty years to the age of Julius Caesar.--_Bellum_.