The inscription of Vo-can is in correct Sanskrit prose and contains a fragmentary address from a king who seems to have been a Buddhist and writes somewhat in the style of Asoka. He boasts that he is of the family of Srmrarja. The letters closely resemble those of Rudradaman"s inscription at Girnar and contemporary inscriptions at Kanheri. The text is much mutilated so that we know neither the name of the writer nor his relationship to Srmra. But the latter was evidently the founder of the dynasty and may have been separated from his descendant by several generations. It is noticeable that his name does not end in Varman, like those of later kings. If he lived at the end of the second century this would harmonize with the oldest Chinese notices which fix the rise of Lin-I (their name for Champa) about 192 A.D.[331] Agreeably to this we also hear that Hun T"ien founded an Indian kingdom in Fu-nan considerably before 265 A.D. and that some time between 220 and 280 a king of Fu-nan sent an emba.s.sy to India.

The name Fu-nan may include Champa. But though we hear of Hindu kingdoms in these districts at an early date we know nothing of their civilization or history, nor do we obtain much information from those Cham legends which represent the dynasties of Champa as descended from two clans, those of the cabbage palm (arquier) and cocoanut.

Chinese sources also state that a king called Fan-yi sent an emba.s.sy to China in 284 and give the names of several kings who reigned between 336 and 440. One of these, Fan-hu-ta, is apparently the Bhadravarman who has left some Sanskrit inscriptions dating from about 400 and who built the first temple at Mi-so"n. This became the national sanctuary of Champa: it was burnt down about 575 A.D. but rebuilt. Bhadravarman"s son Gangarja appears to have abdicated and to have gone on a pilgrimage to the Ganges[332]--another instance of the intercourse prevailing between these regions and India.

It would be useless to follow in detail the long chronicle of the kings of Champa but a few events merit mention. In 446 and again in 605 the Chinese invaded the country and severely chastised the inhabitants. But the second invasion was followed by a period of peace and prosperity. Sambhuvarman (629) restored the temples of Mi-so"n and two of his successors, both called Vikrntavarman, were also great builders. The kings who reigned from 758 to 859, reckoned as the fifth dynasty, belonged to the south and had their capital at Vrapura. The change seems to have been important, for the Chinese who had previously called the country Lin-I, henceforth call it Huan-w.a.n.g.

The natives continued to use the name Champa but Satyavarman and the other kings of the dynasty do not mention Mi-so"n though they adorned and endowed Po-nagar and other sanctuaries in the south. It was during this period (A.D. 774 and 787) that the province of Kauthra was invaded by pirates, described as thin black barbarians and cannibals, and also as the armies of Java[333]. They pillaged the temples but were eventually expelled. They were probably Malays but it is difficult to believe that the Javanese could be seriously accused of cannibalism at this period[334].

The capital continued to be transferred under subsequent dynasties.

Under the sixth (860-900) it was at Indrapura in the north: under the seventh (900-986) it returned to the south: under the eighth (989-1044) it was in Vijaya, the central province. These internal changes were accompanied by foreign attacks. The Khmers invaded the southern province in 945. On the north an Annamite Prince founded the kingdom of Dai-cvit, which became a thorn in the side of Champa. In 982 its armies destroyed Indrapura, and in 1044 they captured Vijaya.

In 1069 King Rudravarman was taken prisoner but was released in return for the cession of the three northernmost provinces. Indrapura however was rebuilt and for a time successful wars were waged against Camboja, but though the kings of Champa did not acquiesce in the loss of the northern provinces, and though Harivarman III (1074-80) was temporarily victorious, no real progress was made in the contest with Annam, whither the Chams had to send emba.s.sies practically admitting that they were a va.s.sal state. In the next century further disastrous quarrels with Camboja ensued and in 1192 Champa was split into two kingdoms, Vijaya in the north under a Cambojan prince and Panran in the south governed by a Cham prince but under the suzerainty of Camboja. This arrangement was not successful and after much fighting Champa became a Khmer province though a very unruly one from 1203 till 1220. Subsequently the aggressive vigour of the Khmers was tempered by their own wars with Siam. But it was not the fate of Champa to be left in peace. The invasion of Khubilai lasted from 1278 to 1285 and in 1306 the provinces of O and Ly were ceded to Annam.

Champa now became for practical purposes an Annamite province and in 1318 the king fled to Java for refuge. This connection with Java is interesting and there are other instances of it. King Jaya Simhavarman III ( 1307) of Champa married a Javanese princess called Tapasi.

Later we hear in Javanese records that in the fifteenth century the princess Darawati of Champa married the king of Madj.a.pahit and her sister married Raden Radmat, a prominent Moslim teacher in Java[335].

The power of the Chams was crushed by Annam in 1470. After this date they had little political importance but continued to exist as a nationality under their own rulers. In 1650 they revolted against Annam without success and the king was captured. But his widow was accorded a t.i.tular position and the Cham chronicle[336] continues the list of nominal kings down to 1822.

In Champa, as in Camboja, no books dating from the Hindu period have been preserved and probably there were not many. The Cham language appears not to have been used for literary purposes and whatever culture existed was exclusively Sanskrit. The kings are credited with an extensive knowledge of Sanskrit literature. An inscription at Po-nagar[337] (918 A.D.) says that Sr Indravarman was acquainted with the Mmm?s and other systems of philosophy, Jinendra, and grammar together with the Ksik (vr?itti) and the Saivottara-Kalpa. Again an inscription of Mi-son[338] ascribes to Jaya Indravarmadeva (_c._ 1175 A.D.) proficiency in all the sciences as well as a knowledge of the Mahyna and the Dharma.s.stras, particularly the Nradya and Bhrgavya. To some extent original compositions in Sanskrit must have been produced, for several of the inscriptions are of considerable length and one[339] gives a quotation from a work called the Purn?rtha or Arthapurn?a.s.stra which appears to have been a chronicle of Champa.

But the language of the inscriptions is often careless and incorrect and indicates that the study of Sanskrit was less flourishing than in Camboja.

2

The monuments of Champa, though considerable in size and number, are inferior to those of Camboja. The individual buildings are smaller and simpler and the groups into which they are combined lack unity. Brick was the chief material, stone being used only when brick would not serve, as for statues and lintels. The commonest type of edifice is a square pyramidal structure called by the Chams Kalan. A Kalan is as a rule erected on a hill or rising ground: its lowest storey has on the east a porch and vestibule, on the other three sides false doors. The same shape is repeated in four upper storeys of decreasing size which however serve merely for external decoration and correspond to nothing in the interior. This is a single windowless pyramidal cell lighted by the door and probably also by lamps placed in niches on the inner walls. In the centre stood a pedestal for a linga or an image, with a channel to carry off libations, leading to a spout in the wall. The outline of the tower is often varied by projecting figures or ornaments, but the sculpture is less lavish than in Camboja and Java.

In the greater religious sites several structures are grouped together. A square wall surrounds an enclosure entered by a gateway and containing one or more Kalans, as well as smaller buildings, probably for the use of priests. Before the gateway there is frequently a hall supported by columns but open at the sides.

All known specimens of Cham architecture are temples; palaces and other secular buildings were made of wood and have disappeared. Of the many sanctuaries which have been discovered, the most remarkable are those of Mi-son, and Dong Duong, both in the neighbourhood of Tourane, and Po Nagar close to Nhatrang.

Mi-son[340] is an undulating amphitheatre among mountains and contains eight or nine groups of temples, founded at different times. The earliest structures, erected by Bhadravarman I about 400, have disappeared[341] and were probably of wood, since we hear that they were burnt (apparently by an accident) in 575 A.D. New temples were constructed by Sambhuvarman about twenty-five years later and were dedicated to Sambhu-bhadresvara, in which t.i.tle the names of the founder, restorer and the deity are combined. These buildings, of which portions remain, represent the oldest and best period of Cham art. Another style begins under Vikrntavarman I between 657 and 679 A.D. This reign marks a period of decadence and though several buildings were erected at Mi-son during the eighth and ninth centuries, the locality was comparatively neglected[342] until the reign of Harivarman III (1074-1080). The temples had been ravaged by the Annamites but this king, being a successful warrior, was able to restore them and dedicated to them the booty which he had captured.

Though his reign marks a period of temporary prosperity in the annals of Champa, the style which he inaugurated in architecture has little originality. It reverts to the ancient forms but shows conscious archaism rather than fresh vigour. The position of Mi-son, however, did not decline and about 1155 Jaya Harivarman I repaired the buildings, dedicated the booty taken in battle and erected a new temple in fulfilment of a vow. But after this period the princes of Champa had no authority in the district of Mi-son, and the Annamites, who seem to have disliked the religion of the Chams, plundered the temples.

Po-nagar[343] is near the port of Nha-trang and overlooks the sea.

Being smaller that Mi-son it has more unity but still shows little attempt to combine in one architectural whole the buildings of which it is composed.

An inscription[344] states with curious precision that the shrine was first erected in the year 5911 of the Dvpara age and this fantastic chronology shows that in our tenth century it was regarded as ancient.

As at Mi-son, the original buildings were probably of wood for in 774 they were sacked and burnt by pirates who carried off the image[345].

Shortly afterwards they were rebuilt in brick by King Satyavarman and the existing southern tower probably dates from his reign, but the great central tower was built by Harivarman I (817 A.D.) and the other edifices are later.

Po Nagar or Yang Po Nagar means the Lady or G.o.ddess of the city. She was commonly called Bhagavat in Sanskrit[346] and appears to have been the chief object of worship at Nha-trang, although Siva was a.s.sociated with her under the name of Bhagavatsvara. In 1050 an ardhanar image representing Siva and Bhagavat combined in one figure was presented to the temple by King Paramesvara and a dedicatory inscription describes this double deity as the cosmic principle.

When Champa was finally conquered the temple was sold to the Annamites, who admitted that they could not acquire it except by some special and peaceful arrangement. Even now they still continue the worship of the G.o.ddess though they no longer know who she is[347].

Dong Duong, about twenty kilometres to the south of Mi-son, marks the site of the ancient capital Indrapura. The monument which has made its name known differs from those already described. Compared with them it has some pretensions to be a whole, laid out on a definite plan and it is Buddhist. It consists of three courts[348] surrounded by walls and entered by ma.s.sive porticoes. In the third there are about twenty buildings and perhaps it did not escape the fault common to Cham architecture of presenting a collection of disconnected and unrelated edifices, but still there is clearly an attempt to lead up from the outermost portico through halls and gateways to the princ.i.p.al shrine.

From an inscription dated 875 A.D. we learn that the ruins are those of a temple and vihra erected by King Indravarman and dedicated to Avalokita under the name of Lakshmndra Lokesvara.

3

The religion of Champa was practically identical with that of Camboja.

If the inscriptions of the former tell us more about mukhalingas and koshas and those of the latter have more allusions to the worship of the compound deity Hari-hara, this is probably a matter of chance. But even supposing that different cults were specially prominent at different places, it seems clear that all the G.o.ds and ceremonies known in Camboja were also known in Champa and _vice versa_. In both countries the national religion was Hinduism, mainly of the Sivaite type, accompanied by Mahayanist Buddhism which occasionally came to the front under royal patronage. In both any indigenous beliefs which may have existed did not form a separate system. It is probable however that the G.o.ddess known at Po-nagar as Bhagavat was an ancient local deity worshipped before the Hindu immigration and an inscription found at Mi-son recommends those whose eyes are diseased to propitiate Kuvera and thus secure protection against Ekkshapingal, "the tawny one-eyed (spirit)." Though this G.o.ddess or demon was probably a creation of local fancy, similar identifications of Kl with the spirits presiding over cholera, smallpox, etc., take place in India.

The social system was theoretically based on the four castes, but Chinese accounts indicate that in questions of marriage and inheritance older ideas connected with matriarchy and a division into clans still had weight. But the language of the inscriptions is most orthodox. King Vikrntavarman[349] quotes with approval the saying that the horse sacrifice is the best of good deeds and the murder of a Brahman the worst of sins. Brahmans, chaplains (purohita), pandits and ascetics are frequently mentioned as worthy of honour and gifts.

The high priest or royal chaplain is styled Srparamapurohita but it does not appear that there was a sacerdotal family enjoying the unique position held by the Sivakaivalyas in Camboja. The frequent changes of capital and dynasty in Champa were unfavourable to continuity in either Church or State.

Sivaism, without any hostility to Vishn?uism or Buddhism, was the dominant creed. The earliest known inscription, that of Vo-can, contains indications of Buddhism, but three others believed to date from about 400 A.D. invoke Siva under some such t.i.tle as Bhadresvara, indicating that a temple had been dedicated to him by King Bhadravarman. Thus the practice of combining the names of a king and his patron deity in one appellation existed in Champa at this early date[350]. It is also recorded from southern India, Camboja and Java. Besides Siva one of the inscriptions venerates, though in a rather perfunctory manner, Um, Brahm, Vishn?u and the five elements. Several inscriptions[351] give details of Sivaite theology which agree with what we know of it in Camboja. The world animate and inanimate is an emanation from Siva, but he delivers from the world those who think of him. Meditation, the practice of Yoga, and devotion to Siva are several times mentioned with approval[352]. He abides in eight forms corresponding to his eight names Sarva, Bhava, Pasupati, Isna, Bhma, Rudra, Mahdeva, and Ugra. He is also, as in Java, Guru or the teacher and he has the usual mythological epithets. He dances in lonely places, he rides on the bull Nandi, is the slayer of Kma, etc. Though represented by figures embodying such legends he was most commonly adored under the form of the linga which in Champa more than elsewhere came to be regarded as not merely symbolic but as a personal G.o.d. To mark this individuality it was commonly enclosed in a metal case (kosha) bearing one or more human faces[353]. It was then called mukhalinga and the faces were probably intended as portraits of royal donors, identified with the G.o.d in form as well as in name. An inscription of 1163 A.D. records the dedication of such a kosha, adorned with five royal faces, to Srsnabhadresvara. The G.o.d, it is said, will now be able to give his blessing to all regions through his five mouths which he could not do before, and being enclosed in the kosha, like an embryo in the matrix, he becomes Hiran?yagarbha. The linga, with or without these ornaments, was set on a _snnadron?i_ or stone table arranged for receiving libations, and sometimes (as in Java and Camboja) four or more lingas were set upon a single slab. From A.D.

400 onwards, the cult of Siva seems to have maintained its paramount position during the whole history of Champa, for the last recorded Sanskrit inscription is dedicated to him. From first to last it was the state religion. Siva is said to have sent Uroja to be the first king and is even styled the root of the state of Champa.

An inscription[354] of 811 A.D. celebrates the dual deity Sankara-Nryan?a. It is noticeable that Nryan?a is said to have held up Mt. Govardhana and is apparently identified with Kr?ishn?a. Rma and Kr?ishn?a are both mentioned in an inscription of 1157 which states that the whole divinity of Vishn?u was incarnate in King Jaya Harivarman I[355]. But neither allusions to Vishn?u nor figures of him[356] are numerous and he plays the part of an accessory though respected personage. Garud?a, on whom he rides, was better known than the G.o.d himself and is frequently represented in sculpture.

The Sakti of Siva, amalgamated as mentioned with a native G.o.ddess, received great honour (especially at Nhatrang) under the names of Um, Bhagavat, the Lady of the city (Yang Po Nagar) and the G.o.ddess of Kauthra. In another form or aspect she was called Maladkut?hra.[357]

There was also a temple of Ganesa (Sri-Vinyaka) at Nhatrang but statues of this deity and of Skanda are rare.

The Chinese pilgrim I-Ching, writing in the last year of the seventh century, includes Champa (Lin-I) in the list of countries which "greatly reverence the three jewels" and contrasts it with Fu-nan where a wicked king had recently almost exterminated Buddhism. He says "In this country Buddhists generally belong to the Arya-sammiti school, and there are also a few followers of the Aryasarvstivdin school." The statement is remarkable, for he also tells us that the Sarvstivdins were the predominant sect in the Malay Archipelago and flourished in southern China. The headquarters of the Sammityas were, according to the accounts of both Hsan Chuang and I-Ching, in western India though, like the three other schools, they were also found in Magadha and eastern India. We also hear that the brother and sister of the Emperor Harsha belonged to this sect and it was probably influential. How it spread to Champa we do not know, nor do the inscriptions mention its name or indicate that the Buddhism which they knew was anything but the mixture of the Mahayana with Sivaism[358] which prevailed in Camboja.

I-Ching"s statements can hardly be interpreted to mean that Buddhism was the official religion of Champa at any rate after 400 A.D., for the inscriptions abundantly prove that the Sivaite shrines of Mi-son and Po-nagar were so to speak national cathedrals where the kings worshipped on behalf of the country. But the Vo-can inscription (? 250 A.D.), though it does not mention Buddhism, appears to be Buddhist, and it would be quite natural that a dynasty founded about 150 A.D. should be Buddhist but that intercourse with Camboja and probably with India should strengthen Sivaism. The Chinese annals mention[359] that 1350 Buddhist books were carried off during a Chinese invasion in 605 A.D. and this allusion implies the existence of Buddhism and monasteries with libraries. As in Camboja it was perhaps followed by ministers rather than by kings. An inscription found[360] in southern Champa and dated as 829 A.D. records how a sthavira named Buddhanirvn?a erected two vihras and two temples (devakula) to Jina and Sankara (Buddha and Siva) in honour of his deceased father. Shortly afterwards there came to the throne Indravarman II (860-890 A.D.), the only king of Champa who is known to have been a fervent Buddhist. He did not fail to honour Siva as the patron of his kingdom but like Asoka he was an enthusiast for the Dharma[361]. He desires the knowledge of the Dharma: he builds monasteries for the sake of the Dharma: he wishes to propagate it: he even says that the king of the G.o.ds governs heaven by the principles of Dharma. He wishes to lead all his subjects to the "yoke and abode of Buddha," to "the city of deliverance."

To this end he founded the vihra of Dong Duong, already described, and dedicated it to Sri Lakshmndra Lokesvara[362]. This last word is a synonym of Avalokita, which also occurs in the dedicatory inscription but in a fragmentary pa.s.sage. Lakshmndra is explained by other pa.s.sages in the inscription from which we learn that the king"s name before he ascended the throne was Lakshmndra Bhmsvara, so that the Bodhisattva is here adored under the name of the king who erected the vihra according to the custom prevalent in Sivaite temples. Like those temples this vihra received an endowment of land and slaves of both s.e.xes, as well as gold, silver and other metals[363].

A king who reigned from 1080 to 1086 was called Paramabodhisattva, but no further epigraphic records of Buddhism are known until the reigns of Jaya Indravarmadeva (1167-1192) and his successor Sryavarmadeva[364].

Both of these monarchs, while worshipping Siva, are described as knowing or practising the jn~na or dharma of the Mahayana. Little emphasis seems to be laid on these expressions but still they imply that the Mahayana was respected and considered part of the royal religion.

Sryavarmadeva erected a building called Sr Herukaharmya[365]. The t.i.tle is interesting for it contains the name of the Tantric Buddha Heruka.

The grotto of Phong-nha[366] in the extreme north of Champa (province of Quang Binh) must have been a Buddhist shrine. Numerous medallions in clay bearing representations of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas and Dagobas have been found there but dates are wanting.

It does not appear that the Hinayanist influence which became predominant in Camboja extended to Champa. That influence came from Siam and before it had time to traverse Camboja, Champa was already in the grip of the Annamites, whose religion with the rest of their civilization came from China rather than India. Chinese culture and writing spread to the Cambojan frontier and after the decay of Champa, Camboja marks the permanent limit within which an Indian alphabet and a form of Buddhism not derived through China have maintained themselves.

A large number of the Chams were converted to Mohammedanism but the time and circ.u.mstances of the event are unknown. When Friar Gabriel visited the country at the end of the sixteenth century a form of Hinduism seems to have been still prevalent[367]. It would be of interest to know how the change of religion was effected, for history repeats itself and it is likely that the Moslims arrived in Champa by the route followed centuries before by the Hindu invaders.

There are still about 130,000 Chams in the south of Annam and Camboja.

In the latter country they are all Mohammedans. In Annam some traces of Hinduism remain, such as mantras in broken Sanskrit and hereditary priests called Basaih. Both religions have become unusually corrupt but are interesting as showing how beliefs which are radically distinct become distorted and combined in Eastern Asia[368].

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 329: Also spelt Camp and Tchampa. It seems safer to use Ch for C in names which though of Indian origin are used outside India.

The final _a_ though strictly speaking long is usually written without an accent. The following are the princ.i.p.al works which I have consulted about Champa.

(a) G. Maspro, _Le Royaume de Champa_. Published in _T"oung Pao_, 1910-1912. Cited as Maspro.

(b) A. Bergaigne, "Inscriptions Sanskrites de Champa" in _Notices et Extraits des Ma.n.u.scrits de la Bibliothque Nationale_, tome XXVII.

1^re partie. 2^e fascicule, 1893, pp. 181-292. Cited as _Corpus_, II.

(c) H. Parmentier, _Inventaire descriptif des Monuments Cams de l"Annam_. 1899.

(d) L. Finot, "La Religion des Chams," _B.E.F.E.O_, 1901, and _Notes d"Epigraphie_. "Les Inscriptions de Mi-son," _ib_. 1904. Numerous other papers by this author, Durand, Parmentier and others in the same periodical can be consulted with advantage.

(e) _Id., Notes d"Epigraphie Indo-Chinoise_, 1916.]

[Footnote 330: _Corpus_, II. p. 11, and Finot, _Notes d"Epig._ pp. 227 ff.]

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