The truth was that, while most Negroes in the Air Force favored integration, some were disturbed by the prospect of compet.i.tion with whites of equivalent rank that would naturally follow. Many of the black officers were overage in grade, their proficiency geared to the F-51, a wartime piston plane, and they were the logical victims of any reduction in force that might occur in this period of reduced military budgets.[16-9] Some men doubted that the new program, as they imperfectly understood it, would truly integrate the service. They could, for example, see no way for the Air Force to break through what the press called the "community patterns" around southern bases, and they were generally suspicious of the motives of senior department officials. The Pittsburgh _Courier_ summarized this att.i.tude by quoting one black officer who expressed doubt "that a fair program will be enforced from the top echelon."[16-10]
[Footnote 16-9: Washington _Post_, April 4, 1949; USAF Oral History Program, Interview with Lt Col Spann Watson (USAF, Ret.), 3 Apr 73.]
[Footnote 16-10: Pittsburgh _Courier_, January 22, 1949.]
But such suspicions were unfounded, for the Air Force"s senior officials were determined to enforce the new program both fairly and expeditiously. General Vandenberg, the Chief of Staff, reported to the War Council on 11 January that the Air Force would "effect full and complete implementation" of its integration plan not only by issuing the required directives and orders, but also by a.s.signing responsibility for monitoring the worldwide implementation of the program to his deputy for personnel. The Chief of Staff also planned to call a meeting of his senior commanders to discuss and solve problems rising from the plan and impress on them the personal attention they must give to carrying it out in the field.[16-11]
[Footnote 16-11: Memo, Vandenberg, CofS, USAF, for SecAF, 12 Jan 49, SecAF files.]
The Air Force Commanders" Conference, a.s.sembled on 12 April 1949, heard Lt. Gen. Idwal Edwards, the Deputy Chief of Staff for Personnel, explain the genesis of the integration plan and outline its major provisions. He mentioned two major steps to be taken in the first phase of the program. First, the 332d Fighter Wing would be inactivated on or before 30 June, and all blacks would be removed from Lockbourne. The commander of the Continental Air Command would create a board of Lockbourne officers to screen those a.s.signed to the all-black base, dividing them into three groups. The skilled and qualified officers and airmen would be rea.s.signed worldwide to white units "just like any other officers or airmen of similar skills (p. 400) and qualifications." General Edwards a.s.sumed that the number of men in this category would not be large. Some 200 officers and 1,500 airmen, he estimated, would be found sufficiently qualified and proficient for such rea.s.signment. He added parenthetically that Colonel Davis understood the "implications" of the new policy and intended to recommend only an individual "of such temperament, judgment, and common sense that he can get along smoothly as an individual in a white unit, and second, that his ability is such as to warrant respect of the personnel of the unit to which he is transferred."
The technically unqualified but still "usable" men would be rea.s.signed to black service units. The staff recognized, General Edwards added, that some Negroes were unsuited for a.s.signment to white units for "various reasons" and had specifically authorized the retention of "this type of Negro" in black units. Finally, those who were found neither qualified nor useful would be discharged under current regulations.
The second major action would be taken at the same time as the first.
All commands would similarly screen their black troops with the object of rea.s.signing the skilled and qualified to white units and eliminating the chronically unqualified. At the same time racial quotas for recruitment and school attendance would be abolished.
Henceforth, blacks would enter the Air Force under the same standards as whites and would be cla.s.sified, a.s.signed, promoted, or eliminated in accordance with rules that would apply equally to all. "In other words," Edwards commented, "no one is either helped or hindered because of the color of his skin; how far or how fast each one goes depends upon his own ability." To a.s.sure equal treatment and opportunity, he would closely monitor the problem. Edwards admitted that the subject of integrated living quarters had caused discussion in the staff, but based on the Navy"s years of good experience with integrated quarters and bolstered by the probability that the number of Negroes in any white unit would rarely exceed 1 percent, the staff saw no need for separate sleeping accommodations.
General Edwards reminded the a.s.sembled commanders that, while integration was new to the Air Force, the Navy had been following a similar policy for years, encountering no trouble, even in the Deep South where black troops as well as the nearby civilian communities understood that when men left the base they must conform to the laws and customs of the community. And as a parting shot he made the commanders aware of where the command responsibility lay:
There will be frictions and incidents. However, they will be minimized if commanders give the implementation of this policy their personal attention and exercise positive command control.
Unless our young commanders are guided and counselled by the senior commanders in unbiased implementation, we may encounter serious troubles which the Navy has very ably avoided. It must have your _personal attention and personal control_.[16-12]
[Footnote 16-12: Lt Gen I. H. Edwards, "Remarks on Major Personnel Problems Presented to USAF Commanders" Conference Headquarters, USAF," 12 Apr 49, SecAF files. Italics in the original.]
Compelling reasons for reform notwithstanding, the effectiveness of an integration program would in the end depend on the att.i.tude and initiative of the local commander. In the Air Force"s case the (p. 401) ultimate effectiveness owed much to the fact that the determination of its senior officials was fully explained and widely circulated throughout the service. As Lt. Gen. Daniel (Chappie) James, Jr., later recalled, those who thought to frustrate the process were well aware that they risked serious trouble if their opposition was discovered by the senior commanders. None of the obvious excuses for preserving the racial _status quo_ remained acceptable after Vandenberg and Edwards made their positions clear.[16-13]
[Footnote 16-13: USAF Oral History Program, Interview with Lt Gen Daniel James, Jr., 2 Oct 73. James was to become the first four-star black officer in the armed forces.]
The fact that the control of the new plan was specifically made a personal responsibility of the senior commanders spoke well for its speedy and efficient execution. This was the kind of talk commanders understood, and as the order filtered down to the lower echelons its terms became even more explicit.[16-14] "Direct attention to this changed condition is required throughout the Command," Maj. Gen.
Laurence S. Kuter notified his subordinate commanders at the Military Air Transport Service. "Judgment, leadership, and ingenuity are demanded. Commanders who cannot cope with the integration of Negroes into formerly white units or activities will have no place in the Air Force structure."[16-15]
[Footnote 16-14: Ltr, Marr to author, 19 Jun 70.]
[Footnote 16-15: MATS Hq Ltr No. 9, 1 May 49, SecAF files.]
The order itself, as approved by the Secretary of Defense on 11 May 1949 and published on the same day as Air Force Letter 35-3, was unmistakable in intent and clearly spelled out a new bill of rights for Negroes in the Air Force.[16-16] The published directive differed in some respects from the version drafted by the Chief of Staff in January. Despite General Edwards"s comments at the commanders"
conference in April, the provision for allowing commanders to segregate barracks "if considered necessary" was removed even before the plan was first forwarded to the Secretary of Defense. This deletion was made in the Office of the Secretary of the Air Force, probably by Zuckert.[16-17] Later Zuckert commented, "I wouldn"t want to give the commanders that kind of sweeping power. I would be afraid of how it might be exercised."[16-18] From the beginning, black airmen were billeted routinely in the living quarters of the units to which they were a.s.signed.
[Footnote 16-16: AF Ltr 35-3, 11 May 49. Effective until 11 May 1950, the order was superseded by a new but similar letter, AF Ltr 35-78, on 14 September 1950.]
[Footnote 16-17: Memo, ASecAF for Symington, 12 Jan 49, AF Negro Affairs 49, SecAF files.]
[Footnote 16-18: USAF Oral Hist Interv with Zuckert.]
The final version of the directive also deleted reference to a 10 percent limitation on black strength in formerly white units. Zuckert had a.s.sured the Fahy Committee this limitation was designed to facilitate, not frustrate, the absorption of Negroes into white units, and Edwards even agreed that given the determination of Air Force officials to make a success of their program, the measure was probably unnecessary.[16-19] In the end Zuckert decided to drop any reference to such limitations "because of the confusion that seemed to arise from this statement."[16-20]
[Footnote 16-19: Testimony of Zuckert and Edwards, USAF, Before the Fahy Committee, 28 Mar 49, afternoon session, pp. 7-8.]
[Footnote 16-20: Memo, ASecAF for Symington, 29 Apr 49, sub: Department of the Air Force Implementation of the Department of Defense Policy on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, SecAF files.]
[Ill.u.s.tration: a.s.sISTANT SECRETARY ZUCKERT.]
Zuckert also deleted several clauses in the supplementary letter (p. 402) to Air Force commanders that was to accompany and explain the order.
These clauses had listed possible exemptions from the new order: one made it possible to retain a man in a black unit if he was one of the "key personnel" considered necessary for the successful functioning of a black unit, and the other allowed the local commander to keep those Negroes he deemed "best suited" for continued a.s.signment to black units. The free rea.s.signment of all eligible Negroes, particularly the well-qualified, was essential to the eventual dissolution of the all-black units. The Fahy Committee had objected to these provisions and considered it important for the Air Force to delete them,[16-21]
but the matter was not raised during the committee hearings. There is evidence that the deletions were actually requested by the Secretary of Defense"s Personnel Policy Board, whose influence in the integration of the Air Force is often overlooked.[16-22]
[Footnote 16-21: _Freedom to Serve_, pp. 37-38.]
[Footnote 16-22: Memo, SecAF for Chmn, PPB, 30 Apr 49, copy in FC file. McCoy and Ruetten, _Quest and Response_, p. 223, call the deletion a victory for the committee.]
The screening of officers and men at Lockbourne got under way on 17 May. A board of officers under the presidency of Col. Davis, the commander of Lockbourne, and composed of representatives of Air Force headquarters, the Continental Air Command, and the Air Training Command, and important officers of Lockbourne, interviewed every officer in the wing. After considering each man"s technical training, his performance, and his career field preference, the board recommended him for rea.s.signment in a specific duty field. Although Edwards had promised that the screening boards would also judge each man"s "adaptability" to integrated service, this requirement was quickly dropped by Davis and his fellow board members.[16-23] In fact, the whole idea of having screening boards was resented by some black officers. Zuckert later admitted that the screening may have been a mistake, but at the time it had been considered the best mechanism for ascertaining the proper a.s.signment for the men.[16-24]
[Footnote 16-23: USAF Oral Hist Interv with Davis.]
[Footnote 16-24: USAF Oral Hist Interv with Zuckert.]
At the same time, a screening team in the Air Training Command gave a written examination to Lockbourne"s more than 1,100 airmen and WAF"s to determine if they were in appropriate military occupational specialties. A team of personnel counselors interviewed all (p. 403) airmen, weighed test scores, past performances, qualifications outside of a.s.signed specialty, and choices of a career field, and then placed them in one of three categories. First, they could be earmarked for general rea.s.signment in a specific military occupational specialty different from the one they were now in; second, they could be scheduled for additional or more advanced technical training; or third, they could be trained in their current specialties. The screeners referred marginal or extraordinary cases to Colonel Davis"s board for decision.[16-25]
[Footnote 16-25: NME Fact Sheet No. 105-49, 27 Jul 49.]
Concurrently with the Lockbourne processing, individual commanders established similar screening procedures wherever black airmen were then a.s.signed. All these teams uncovered a substantial number of men and women considered eligible for further training or rea.s.signment.
(_Table 4_)
Table 4--Disposition of Black Personnel at Eight Air Force Bases, 1949
Percentages Total Asgmt to Asgmt to Asgmt to Recom for Base Tested Instr Tech Present Board Duty School MOS Action
Lockbourne Male 970 .32 12.08 64.64 22.98 Female 58 0.00 25.86 55.17 18.97 Lackland 247 1.62 20.65 67.61 10.12 Barksdale 158 0.00 20.25 65.82 13.93 Randolph 252 2.38 26.19 57.14 14.29 Waco 146 2.06 30.14 57.53 10.27 Mather 126 .79 27.78 40.48 30.95 Williams 144 8.33 21.53 39.58 30.56 Goodfellow 122 .82 36.89 40.89 21.31
Total 2,223 1.35 19.61 59.20 19.84
_Source_: President"s Cmte on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Forces, "A First Report on the Racial Integration Program of the Air Force," 6 Feb 50, FC file.
The process of screening Lockbourne"s troops was quickly completed, but the process of rea.s.signing them was considerably more drawn-out.
The rea.s.signments were somewhat delayed in the first place by indecision, caused by budgetary uncertainties, on the future of Lockbourne itself. By 25 July, a full two months after the screening began, the Lockbourne board had recommended only 181 officers and 700 airmen to Air Force headquarters for new a.s.signment. A short time later, however, Lockbourne was placed on inactive status and its remaining men and women, with the exception of a small caretaker detachment, were quickly rea.s.signed throughout the Air Force.
The staff had predicted that the speed with which the integration order was carried out would follow a geographical pattern, with southern bases the last to integrate, but in fact no special pattern prevailed. For the many Negroes a.s.signed to all-black base squadrons for administrative purposes but serving on a day-to-day basis in integrated units, the change was relatively simple. These men had already demonstrated their ability to perform their duties competently under integration, and in conformity with the new order most (p. 404) commanders immediately a.s.signed them to the units in which they were already working. Except for their own squadron overhead, some base service squadrons literally disappeared when these rea.s.signments were effected. After the screening process, most commanders also quickly rea.s.signed troops serving in the other all-black units, such as Squadron F"s, air ammunition, motor transport, vehicle repair, signal heavy construction, and aviation engineer squadrons.[16-26]
[Footnote 16-26: "Report on the First Year of Implementation of Current Policies Regarding Negro Personnel," Incl to Memo, Maj Gen Richard E. Nugent for ASecAF, 14 Jul 50, sub: Distribution of Negro Personnel, PPB 291.2 (9 Jul 50) (hereafter referred to as Marr Report). See also USAF Oral Hist Interv with Marr.]
There were of course a few exceptions. Some commanders, noticeably more cautious than the majority, began the integration process with considerably less ease and speed.[16-27] As late as January 1950, for example, the Fahy Committee"s executive secretary found that, with the exception of a small number of Negroes a.s.signed to white units, the black airmen at Maxwell Air Force Base were still a.s.signed to the all-black 3817th Base Service Squadron, the only such unit he found, incidentally, in a tour of seven installations.[16-28] But as the months went by even the most cautious commander, learning of the success of the new policy in other commands, began to rea.s.sign his black airmen according to the recommendations of the screening board.
Despite the announcement that some black units would be retained, practically all units were integrated by the end of the first year of the new program. Even using the Air staff"s very restricted definition of a "Negro unit," that is, one whose strength was over 50 percent black, statistics show how radical was the change in just one year.
(_Table 5_)
[Footnote 16-27: USAF Oral Hist Interv with Davis.]
[Footnote 16-28: President"s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Forces, "A First Report on the Racial Integration Program of the Air Force," 6 Feb 50, FC file (hereafter cited as Kenworthy Report).]