Let it be held no reproach to any one that he pleads for reasonable consideration for our late enemies, now stricken down and unavoidably debarred, for the time, from speaking through authorized agencies for themselves. Nothing has been urged here in the foolish hope of conciliating those men--few in number, we trust--who have resolved never to be reconciled to the Union. On such hearts everything is thrown away except it be religious commiseration, and the sincerest.
Yet let them call to mind that unhappy Secessionist, not a military man, who with impious alacrity fired the first shot of the Civil War at Sumter, and a little more than four years afterward fired the last one into his heart at Richmond.
n.o.ble was the gesture into which patriotic pa.s.sion surprised the people in a utilitarian time and country; yet the glory of the war falls short of its pathos--a pathos which now at last ought to disarm all animosity.
How many and earnest thoughts still rise, and how hard to repress them.
We feel what past years have been, and years, unr.e.t.a.r.ded years, shall come. May we all have moderation; may we all show candor. Though, perhaps, nothing could ultimately have averted the strife, and though to treat of human actions is to deal wholly with second causes, nevertheless, let us not cover up or try to extenuate what, humanly speaking, is the truth--namely, that those unfraternal denunciations, continued through years, and which at last inflamed to deeds that ended in bloodshed, were reciprocal; and that, had the preponderating strength and the prospect of its unlimited increase lain on the other side, on ours might have lain those actions which now in our late opponents we stigmatize under the name of Rebellion. As frankly let us own--what it would be unbecoming to parade were foreigners concerned-- that our triumph was won not more by skill and bravery than by superior resources and crushing numbers; that it was a triumph, too, over a people for years politically misled by designing men, and also by some honestly-erring men, who from their position could not have been otherwise than broadly influential; a people who, though, indeed, they sought to perpetuate the curse of slavery, and even extend it, were not the authors of it, but (less fortunate, not less righteous than we), were the fated inheritors; a people who, having a like origin with ourselves, share essentially in whatever worthy qualities we may possess. No one can add to the lasting reproach which hopeless defeat has now cast upon Secession by withholding the recognition of these verities.
Surely we ought to take it to heart that that kind of pacification, based upon principles operating equally all over the land, which lovers of their country yearn for, and which our arms, though signally triumphant, did not bring about, and which lawmaking, however anxious, or energetic, or repressive, never by itself can achieve, may yet be largely aided by generosity of sentiment public and private. Some revisionary legislation and adaptive is indispensable; but with this should harmoniously work another kind of prudence, not unallied with entire magnanimity. Benevolence and policy--Christianity and Machiavelli--dissuade from penal severities toward the subdued.
Abstinence here is as obligatory as considerate care for our unfortunate fellowmen late in bonds, and, if observed, would equally prove to be wise forecast. The great qualities of the South, those attested in the War, we can perilously alienate, or we may make them nationally available at need.
The blacks, in their infant pupilage to freedom, appeal to the sympathies of every humane mind. The paternal guardianship which for the interval government exercises over them was prompted equally by duty and benevolence. Yet such kindliness should not be allowed to exclude kindliness to communities who stand nearer to us in nature. For the future of the freed slaves we may well be concerned; but the future of the whole country, involving the future of the blacks, urges a paramount claim upon our anxiety. Effective benignity, like the Nile, is not narrow in its bounty, and true policy is always broad. To be sure, it is vain to seek to glide, with moulded words, over the difficulties of the situation. And for them who are neither partisans, nor enthusiasts, nor theorists, nor cynics, there are some doubts not readily to be solved. And there are fears. Why is not the cessation of war now at length attended with the settled calm of peace? Wherefore in a clear sky do we still turn our eyes toward the South as the Neapolitan, months after the eruption, turns his toward Vesuvius? Do we dread lest the repose may be deceptive? In the recent convulsion has the crater but shifted Let us revere that sacred uncertainty which forever impends over men and nations. Those of us who always abhorred slavery as an atheistical iniquity, gladly we join in the exulting chorus of humanity over its downfall. But we should remember that emanc.i.p.ation was accomplished not by deliberate legislation; only through agonized violence could so mighty a result be effected. In our natural solicitude to confirm the benefit of liberty to the blacks, let us forbear from measures of dubious const.i.tutional rightfulness toward our white countrymen--measures of a nature to provoke, among other of the last evils, exterminating hatred of race toward race. In imagination let us place ourselves in the unprecedented position of the Southerners--their position as regards the millions of ignorant manumitted slaves in their midst, for whom some of us now claim the suffrage. Let us be Christians toward our fellow-whites, as well as philanthropists toward the blacks, our fellow-men. In all things, and toward all, we are enjoined to do as we would be done by. Nor should we forget that benevolent desires, after pa.s.sing a certain point, can not undertake their own fulfillment without incurring the risk of evils beyond those sought to be remedied. Something may well be left to the graduated care of future legislation, and to heaven. In one point of view the co-existence of the two races in the South, whether the negro be bond or free, seems (even as it did to Abraham Lincoln) a grave evil. Emanc.i.p.ation has ridded the country of the reproach, but not wholly of the calamity. Especially in the present transition period for both races in the South, more or less of trouble may not unreasonably be antic.i.p.ated; but let us not hereafter be too swift to charge the blame exclusively in any one quarter. With certain evils men must be more or less patient. Our inst.i.tutions have a potent digestion, and may in time convert and a.s.similate to good all elements thrown in, however originally alien.
But, so far as immediate measures looking toward permanent Re- establishment are concerned, no consideration should tempt us to pervert the national victory into oppression for the vanquished. Should plausible promise of eventual good, or a deceptive or spurious sense of duty, lead us to essay this, count we must on serious consequences, not the least of which would be divisions among the Northern adherents of the Union. a.s.suredly, if any honest Catos there be who thus far have gone with us, no longer will they do so, but oppose us, and as resolutely as. .h.i.therto they have supported. But this path of thought leads toward those waters of bitterness from which one can only turn aside and be silent.
But supposing Re-establishment so far advanced that the Southern seats in Congress are occupied, and by men qualified in accordance with those cardinal principles of representative government which hitherto have prevailed in the land--what then? Why, the Congressmen elected by the people of the South will--represent the people of the South. This may seem a flat conclusion; but, in view of the last five years, may there not be latent significance in it? What will be the temper of those Southern members? and, confronted by them, what will be the mood of our own representatives? In private life true reconciliation seldom follows a violent quarrel; but, if subsequent intercourse be unavoidable, nice observances and mutual are indispensable to the prevention of a new rupture. Amity itself can only be maintained by reciprocal respect, and true friends are punctilious equals. On the floor of Congress North and South are to come together after a pa.s.sionate duel, in which the South, though proving her valor, has been made to bite the dust. Upon differences in debate shall acrimonious recriminations be exchanged?
Shall censorious superiority a.s.sumed by one section provoke defiant self-a.s.sertion on the other? Shall Mana.s.sas and Chickamauga be retorted for Chattanooga and Richmond? Under the supposition that the full Congress will be composed of gentlemen, all this is impossible. Yet, if otherwise, it needs no prophet of Israel to foretell the end. The maintenance of Congressional decency in the future will rest mainly with the North. Rightly will more forbearance be required from the North than the South, for the North is victor.
But some there are who may deem these latter thoughts inapplicable, and for this reason: Since the test-oath operatively excludes from Congress all who in any way partic.i.p.ated in Secession, therefore none but Southerners wholly in harmony with the North are eligible to seats.
This is true for the time being. But the oath is alterable; and in the wonted fluctuations of parties not improbably it will undergo alteration, a.s.suming such a form, perhaps, as not to bar the admission into the National Legislature of men who represent the populations lately in revolt. Such a result would involve no violation of the principles of democratic government. Not readily can one perceive how the political existence of the millions of late Secessionists can permanently be ignored by this Republic. The years of the war tried our devotion to the Union; the time of peace may test the sincerity of our faith in democracy.
In no spirit of opposition, not by way of challenge, is anything here thrown out. These thoughts are sincere ones; they seem natural-- inevitable. Here and there they must have suggested themselves to many thoughtful patriots. And, if they be just thoughts, ere long they must have that weight with the public which already they have had with individuals.
For that heroic band--those children of the furnace who, in regions like Texas and Tennessee, maintained their fidelity through terrible trials--we of the North felt for them, and profoundly we honor them.
Yet pa.s.sionate sympathy, with resentments so close as to be almost domestic in their bitterness, would hardly in the present juncture tend to discreet legislation. Were the Unionists and Secessionists but as Guelphs and Ghibellines? If not, then far be it from a great nation now to act in the spirit that animated a triumphant town-faction in the Middle Ages. But crowding thoughts must at last be checked; and, in times like the present, one who desires to be impartially just in the expression of his views, moves as among sword-points presented on every side.
Let us pray that the terrible historic tragedy of our time may not have been enacted without instructing our whole beloved country through terror and pity; and may fulfillment verify in the end those expectations which kindle the bards of Progress and Humanity.
Poems From Battle Pieces
THE PORTENT 1859
Hanging from the beam, Slowly swaying (such the law), Gaunt the shadow on your green, Shenandoah!
The cut is on the crown (Lo, John Brown), And the stabs shall heal no more.
Hidden in the cap Is the anguish none can draw; So your future veils its face, Shenandoah!
But the streaming beard is shown (Weird John Brown), The meteor of the war.
FROM THE CONFLICT OF CONVICTIONS 1860-1
The Ancient of Days forever is young, Forever the scheme of Nature thrives; I know a wind in purpose strong-- It spins _against_ the way it drives.
What if the gulfs their slimed foundations bare?
So deep must the stones be hurled Whereon the throes of ages rear The final empire and the happier world.
Power unanointed may come-- Dominion (unsought by the free) And the Iron Dome, Stronger for stress and strain, Fling her huge shadow athwart the main; But the Founders" dream shall flee.
Age after age has been, (From man"s changeless heart their way they win); And death be busy with all who strive-- Death, with silent negative.
_Yea and Nay--_ _Each hath his say;_ _But G.o.d He keeps the middle way._ _None was by_ _When He spread the sky;_ _Wisdom is vain, and prophecy._
THE MARCH INTO VIRGINIA _Ending in the First Mana.s.sas_ July, 1861
Did all the lets and bars appear To every just or larger end, Whence should come the trust and cheer?
Youth must its ignorant impulse lend-- Age finds place in the rear.
All wars are boyish, and are fought by boys, The champions and enthusiasts of the state: Turbid ardors and vain joys Not barrenly abate-- Stimulants to the power mature, Preparatives of fate.
Who here forecasteth the event?
What heart but spurns at precedent And warnings of the wise, Contemned foreclosures of surprise?
The banners play, the bugles call, The air is blue and prodigal.
No berrying party, pleasure-wooed, No picnic party in the May, Ever went less loth than they Into that leafy neighborhood.
In Bacchic glee they file toward Fate, Moloch"s uninitiate; Expectancy, and glad surmise Of battle"s unknown mysteries.
All they feel is this: "t is glory, A rapture sharp, though transitory, Yet lasting in belaureled story.
So they gayly go to fight, Chatting left and laughing right.
But some who this blithe mood present, As on in lightsome files they fare, Shall die experienced ere three days are spent-- Perish, enlightened by the vollied glare; Or shame survive, and, like to adamant, The throe of Second Mana.s.sas share.
BALL"S BLUFF _A Reverie_ October, 1861
One noonday, at my window in the town, I saw a sight--saddest that eyes can see-- Young soldiers marching l.u.s.tily Unto the wars, With fifes, and flags in mottoed pageantry; While all the porches, walks, and doors Were rich with ladies cheering royally.
They moved like Juny morning on the wave, Their hearts were fresh as clover in its prime (It was the breezy summer time), Life throbbed so strong, How should they dream that Death in a rosy clime Would come to thin their shining throng?
Youth feels immortal, like the G.o.ds sublime.
Weeks pa.s.sed; and at my window, leaving bed, By night I mused, of easeful sleep bereft, On those "brave boys (Ah War! thy theft); Some marching feet Found pause at last by cliffs Potomac cleft; Wakeful I mused, while in the street Far footfalls died away till none were left.
THE STONE FLEET _An Old Sailor"s Lament_ December, 1861
I have a feeling for those ships, Each worn and ancient one, With great bluff bows, and broad in the beam: Ay, it was unkindly done.
But so they serve the Obsolete-- Even so, Stone Fleet!
You"ll say I"m doting; do you think I scudded round the Horn in one-- The _Tenedos,_ a glorious Good old craft as ever run-- Sunk (how all unmeet!) With the Old Stone Fleet.