And yet, even for the present there still remained a glimmer of hope.
Hardly had the invaders left the palace than invectives against them rose from all cla.s.ses of society. The calmness and courage of the King and his family found admirers on every side. The departments sent addresses demanding the punishment of those who had been guilty.
Royalist sentiments woke to life anew. One might almost believe that the indignation caused by the recent scandals would produce an immediate reaction in favor of Louis XVI. Possibly, with an energetic sovereign, something might have been attempted. On the whole, the insurrection had obtained nothing. Even the Girondins perceived the dangerous character of revolutionary pa.s.sions. Honest men stigmatized the criminal tendencies which had just displayed themselves. It was the moment for the King to show himself and strike a great blow. But Louis XVI. had neither will nor energy. Letting the last chance of safety which fortune offered him escape, he was unable to profit by the turn in public opinion. Nothing could shake him out of that easy patience which was the chief cause of his ruin.
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Marie Antoinette herself was opposed to vigorous measures. She still desired to try the effects of kindness. Learning that a legal inquiry was proposed into the events of June 20, and foreseeing that M. Hue would be called as a witness, she said to this loyal servant: "Say as little in your deposition as truth will permit. I recommend you, on the King"s part and my own, to forget that we were the objects of these popular movements. Every suspicion that either the King or myself feel the least resentment for what happened must be avoided; it is not the people who are guilty, and even if it were, they would always obtain pardon and forgetfulness of their errors from us."
During this time the a.s.sembly maintained an att.i.tude more than equivocal. It contained a great number of honest men. But, terrorized already, it no longer possessed the courage of indignation. It grew pale before the menaces of the public. By cringing to the rabble it had attained that hypocritical optimism which is the distinctive mark of moderate revolutionists, and which makes them in turn the dupes and the victims of those who are more zealous.
If the majority of the deputies had said openly what they silently thought, they would not have hesitated to stigmatize the invasion of the Tuileries as it deserved. But in that case, what would have become of their popularity with the pikemen? And then, must they not take into account the ambitions of the Girondins, the hatreds of the Mountain party, {223} and the rancor of Madame Roland and her friends?
Was it not, moreover, a real satisfaction to the bourgeoisie to give power a lesson and humiliate a sovereign? Ah! how cruelly this pleasure will be expiated by those who take delight in it, and how they will repent some day for having permitted justice, law, and authority to be trampled under foot!
When the session of June 21 opened, Deputy Daverhoult denounced in energetic terms the violence of the previous day. Thuriot exclaimed: "Are we expected to press an inquiry against forty thousand men?"
Duranton, the Minister of Justice, then read a letter from the King, dated that day, and worded thus: "Gentlemen, the National a.s.sembly is already acquainted with the events of yesterday. Paris is doubtless in consternation; France will hear the news with astonishment and grief.
I was much affected by the zeal shown for me by the National a.s.sembly on this occasion. I leave to its prudence the task of investigating the causes of this event, weighing its circ.u.mstances, and taking the necessary measures to maintain the Const.i.tution and a.s.sure the inviolability and const.i.tutional liberty of the hereditary representative of the nation. For my part, nothing can prevent me, at all times and under all circ.u.mstances, from performing the duties imposed on me by the Const.i.tution, which I have accepted in the true interests of the French nation."
A few moments after this letter had been read, the session was disturbed by a warning from the {224} munic.i.p.al agent of the department, to the effect that an armed crowd were marching towards the palace. This was soon followed by tidings that Petion had hindered their further advance, and the mayor himself came to the a.s.sembly to receive the laudations of his friends. "Order reigns everywhere," said he; "all precautions have been taken. The magistrates have done their duty; they will always do so, and the hour approaches when justice will be rendered them."
Petion then went to the Tuileries, where he addressed the King nearly in these terms:--
"Sire, we learn that you have been warned of the arrival of a crowd at the palace. We come to announce that this crowd is composed of unarmed citizens who wish to set up a may-pole. I know, Sire, that the munic.i.p.ality has been calumniated; but its conduct will be understood by you."--"It ought to be by all France," responded Louis XVI.; "I accuse no one in particular, I saw everything."--"It will be," returned the mayor; "and but for the prudent measures taken by the munic.i.p.ality, much more disagreeable events might have occurred." The King attempted to reply, but Petion, without listening to him, went on: "Not to your own person; you may well understand that it will always be respected."
The King, unaccustomed to interruption when speaking, said in a loud voice: "Be silent!" There was silence for an instant, and then Louis XVI. added: "Is it what you call respecting {225} my person to enter my house in arms, break down my doors and use force to my guards?"--"Sire," answered Petion, "I know the extent of my duties and of my responsibility."--"Do your duty!" replied Louis XVI.; "You are answerable for the tranquillity of Paris. Adieu!" And the King turned his back on the mayor.
Petion revenged himself that very evening, by circulating a rumor that the royal family were preparing to escape; in consequence, he requested the commanders of the National Guard to re-enforce the sentries and redouble their vigilance. The revolutionists, who had been disconcerted for a moment by popular indignation, raised their heads again. Prudhomme wrote in the _Revolutions de Paris_: "The Parisian people--yes, the people, not the aristocratic cla.s.s of citizens--have just set a grand example to France. The King, at the instigation of Lafayette, discharged his patriotic ministers; he paralyzed by his veto the decree relative to the camp of twenty thousand men, and that on the banishment of priests. Very well! the people rose and signified to him their sovereign will that the ministers should be reinstated and these two murderous vetoes recalled.... Doubtless it will not be long before Europe will be full of a caricature representing Louis XVI. of the big paunch, covered with orders, crowned with a red cap, and drinking out of the same bottle with the _sans-culottes_, who are crying: "The King is drinking, the King has drunk. He has the liberty {226} cap on his head." Would he might have it in his heart!"
Apropos of this red bonnet which remained for three hours on the sovereign"s head, Bertrand de Molleville ventured to put some questions to Louis XVI. on the evening of June 21. According to the Memoirs of the former Minister of Marine, this is what the King replied: "The cries of "Long live the Nation" increasing in violence and seeming to be addressed to me, I answered that the nation had no better friend than I. Then an ill-looking man, thrusting himself through the crowd, came close to me and said in a rude tone: "Very well! if you are telling the truth, prove it to us by putting on this red cap." "I consent," said I. Instantly one or two of these people advanced and placed the cap on my hair, for it was too small for my head to enter it. I was convinced, I don"t know why, that their intention was simply to place this cap on my head and then retire, and I was so preoccupied with what was going on before my eyes, that I did not notice whether it was there or not. So little did I feel it that after I had returned to my chamber I did not observe that I still wore it until I was told. I was greatly astonished to find it on my head, and was all the more displeased because I could have taken it off at once without the least difficulty. But I am convinced that if I had hesitated to receive it, the drunken man by whom it was presented would have thrust his pike into my stomach."
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During the same interview Bertrand de Molleville congratulated the King upon his almost miraculous escape from the dangers of the previous day.
Louis XVI. replied: "All my anxieties were for the Queen, my children and my sister; because I feared nothing for myself."--"But it seems to me," rejoined his interlocutor, "that this insurrection was aimed chiefly against Your Majesty."--"I know it very well," returned Louis XVI.; "I saw clearly that they wanted to a.s.sa.s.sinate me, and I don"t know why they did not do it; but I shall not escape them another day.
So I have gained nothing; it is all the same whether I am a.s.sa.s.sinated now or two months from now!"--"Great G.o.d!" cried Bertrand de Molleville, "does Your Majesty believe that you will be a.s.sa.s.sinated?"--"I am convinced of it," replied the King; "I have expected it for a long time and have accustomed myself to the thought.
Do you think I am afraid of death?"--"Certainly not, but I would desire Your Majesty to take vigorous measures to protect yourself from danger."--"It is possible," went on the King after a moment of reflection, "that I may escape. There are many odds against me, and I am not lucky. If I were alone I would risk one more attempt. Ah! if my wife and children were not with me, people should see that I am not so weak as they fancy. What would be their fate if the measures you propose to me did not succeed?"--"But if they a.s.sa.s.sinate Your Majesty, do you think that the Queen and her children would be in less danger?"--"Yes, I think {228} so, and even were it otherwise, I should not have to reproach myself with being the cause."
A sort of Christian fanaticism had taken possession of the King"s soul.
Resigned to his fate, he ceased to struggle, and wrote to his confessor: "Come to see me to-day; I have done with men; I want nothing now but heaven."
[1] Listen, heaven, to the prayer That here I make: Preserve so good a father To his subjects.
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XXII.
LAFAYETTE IN PARIS.
One of the greatest griefs of a political career is disenchantment. To pa.s.s from devout optimism to profound discouragement; to have treated as alarmists or cowards whoever perceived the least cloud on the horizon, and then to see the most formidable tempests unchained; to be obliged to recognize at one"s proper cost that one has carried illusion to the verge of simplicity and has judged neither men nor things aright; to have heard distressed pa.s.sengers saying that a pilot without experience or prudence is responsible for the shipwreck; to have promised the age of gold and suddenly found one"s self in the age of iron, is a veritable torture for the pride and the conscience of a statesman. And this torture is still more cruel when to disappointment is added the loss of a popularity laboriously acquired; when, having been accustomed to excite nothing but enthusiasm and applause, one is all at once greeted with criticism, howls, and curses, and when, having long strutted about triumphantly on the summits of the Capitol, one sees yawning before him the gulf at the foot of the Tarpeian rock.
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Such was the fate of Lafayette. A few months had sufficed to throw down the popular idol from his pedestal, and the same persons who had once almost burned incense before him, now thought of nothing but flinging him into the gutter. Stunned by his fall, Lafayette could not believe it. To familiarize himself with the fickleness, the caprices, and the inconsequence of the mult.i.tude was impossible. For him the Const.i.tution was the sacred ark, and he did not believe that the very men who had constructed this edifice at such a cost had now nothing so much at heart as to destroy it. He would not admit that the predictions of the royalists were about to be accomplished in every point, and still desired to hold aloof from the complicities into which revolutions drag the most upright minds and the most honest characters.
He who, in July, 1789, had not been able to prevent the a.s.sa.s.sination of Foulon and Berthier; who, on October 5, had marched, despite himself, against Versailles; who, on April 18, 1791, had been unable to protect the departure of the royal family to Saint Cloud; who, on the following June 21, had thought himself obliged to say to the Jacobins in their club: "I have come to rejoin you, because I think the true patriots are here," nevertheless imagined that just a year later, all that was necessary to vanquish the same Jacobins was for him to show himself and say like Caesar: "_Veni, vidi, vici_."
It was only a later illusion of the generous but imprudent man who had already dreamed many {231} dreams. He thought the popular tiger could be muzzled by persuasion. He was going to make a _coup d"etat_, not in deeds, but in words, forgetting that the Revolution neither esteems nor fears anything but force. As M. de Larmartime has said: "One gets from factions only what one s.n.a.t.c.hes." Instead of striking, Lafayette was going to speak and write. The Jacobins might have feared his sword; they despised his words and pen. But though it was not very wise, the n.o.ble audacity with which the hero of America came spontaneously to throw himself into the heat of the struggle and utter his protest in the name of right and honor, was none the less an act of courage.
While with the army, that asylum of generous ideas, the sentiments on which his ancestors had prided themselves rekindled in his heart.
Memories of his early youth revived anew. Doubtless he also recalled his personal obligations to Louis XVI. On his return from the United States, had he not been created major-general over the heads of a mult.i.tude of older officers? Had not the Queen accorded him at that epoch the most flattering eulogies? Had he not been received at the great receptions of May 29, 1785, when any other officer unless highly born would have remained in the OEil-de-Boeuf or paid his court in the pa.s.sage of the chapel? Had he not accepted the rank of lieutenant-general from the King, on June 30, 1791? The gentleman reappeared beneath the revolutionist. The humiliation of a throne for which his ancestors had so often shed their blood {232} caused him a real grief, and it is perhaps regrettable that Louis XVI. should have refused the hand which his recent adversary extended loyally though late.
Lafayette was encamped near Bavay with the Army of the North when the first tidings of June 20 reached him. His soul was roused to indignation, and he wanted to start at once for Paris to lift his voice against the Jacobins. Old Marshal Luckner tried in vain to restrain him by saying that the _sans-culottes_ would have his head. Nothing could stop him. Placing his army in safety under the cannon of Maubeuge, he started with no companion but an aide-de-camp. At Soissons some persons tried to dissuade him from going further by painting a doleful picture of the dangers to which he would expose himself. He listened to n.o.body and went on his way. Reaching Paris in the night of June 27-28, he alighted at the house of his intimate friend, the Duke de La Rochefoucauld, who was about to play so honorable a part. As soon as morning came, Lafayette was at the door of the National a.s.sembly, asking permission to offer the homage of his respect. This authorization having been granted, he entered the hall.
The right applauded; the left kept silence. Being allowed to speak, he declared that he was the author of the letter to the a.s.sembly of June 16, whose authenticity had been denied, and that he openly avowed responsibility for it. He then expressed himself in the sincerest terms concerning the outrages committed in {233} the palace of the Tuileries on June 20. He said he had received from the officers, subalterns, and soldiers of his army a great number of addresses expressive of their love for the Const.i.tution, their respect for the authorities, and their patriotic hatred against seditious men of all parties. He ended by imploring the a.s.sembly to punish the authors or instigators of the violences committed on June 20, as guilty of treason against the nation, and to destroy a sect which encroached upon National Sovereignty, and terrorized citizens, and by their public debates removed all doubts concerning the atrocity of their projects.
"In my own name and that of all honest men in the kingdom," said he in conclusion, "I entreat you to take efficacious measures to make all const.i.tutional authorities respected, particularly your own and that of the King, and to a.s.sure the army that the Const.i.tution will receive no injury from within, while so many brave Frenchmen are lavishing their blood to defend it on the frontiers."
Applause from the right and from some of those in the galleries began anew. The president said: "The National a.s.sembly has sworn to maintain the Const.i.tution. Faithful to its oath, it will be able to guarantee it against all attacks. It accords to you the honors of the session."
The general went to take his seat on the right. Deputy Kersaint observed that his place was on the pet.i.tioners" bench. The general obeyed this hint and sat down modestly on the bench a.s.signed him.
Renewed applause {234} ensued. Thereupon Guadet ascended the tribune and said in an ironic tone: "At the moment when M. Lafayette"s presence in Paris was announced to me, a most consoling idea presented itself.
So we have no more external enemies, thought I; the Austrians are conquered. This illusion did not last long. Our enemies remain the same. Our exterior situation is not altered, and yet M. Lafayette is in Paris! What powerful motives have brought him hither? Our internal troubles? Does he fear, then, that the National a.s.sembly is not strong enough to repress them? He const.i.tutes himself the organ of his army and of honest men. Where are these honest men? How has the army been able to deliberate?" Guadet concluded thus: "I demand that the Minister of War be asked whether he gave leave of absence to M.
Lafayette, and that the extraordinary Committee of Twelve make a report to-morrow on the danger of granting the right of pet.i.tion to generals."
Ramond, one of the most courageous members of the right, was the next speaker: "Four days ago," said he, "an armed mult.i.tude asked to appear before you. Positive laws forbade such a thing, and a proclamation made by the department on the previous day recalled this law and demanded that it should be put into execution. You paid no attention, but admitted armed men into your midst. To-day M. Lafayette presents himself; he is known only by reason of his love of liberty; his life is a series of combats against despotisms of every sort; he has {235} sacrificed his life and fortune to the Revolution. It is against this man that pretended suspicions are directed and every pa.s.sion unchained.
Has the National a.s.sembly two weights and measures, then? Certainly, if respect is to be had to persons, it should be shown to this eldest son of French liberty." This eulogy exasperated the left. Deputy Saladin exclaimed: "I ask M. Ramond if he is making M. Lafayette"s funeral oration?" However, the right was still in the majority. After a long tumult Guadet"s motion against Lafayette was rejected by 339 votes against 234. The general left the a.s.sembly surrounded by a numerous cortege of deputies and National Guards, and went directly to the palace of the Tuileries.
It is the decisive moment. The vote just taken may serve as the starting-point of a conservative reaction if the King will trust himself to Lafayette. But how will he receive him? The sovereign"s greeting will be polite, but not cordial. The King and Queen say they are persuaded that there is no safety but in the Const.i.tution. Louis XVI. adds that he would consider it a very fortunate thing if the Austrians were beaten without delay. Lafayette is treated with a courtesy through which suspicion pierces. When he leaves the palace, a large crowd accompany him to his house and plant a may-pole before the door. On the next day Louis XVI. was to review four thousand men of the National Guard. Lafayette had proposed to appear at this review {236} beside the King and make a speech in favor of order. But the court does not desire the general"s aid, and takes what measures it can to defeat this project. Petion, whom it had preferred to Lafayette as mayor of Paris, countermands the review an hour before daybreak.
Perhaps Louis XVI. might have succeeded in overcoming his repugnance to Lafayette and submitted to be rescued by him. But the Queen absolutely refused to trust the man whom she considered her evil genius. She had seen him rise like a spectre at every hapless hour. He had brought her back to Paris a prisoner on the 6th of October. He had been her jailer. His apparition amid the glare of torches in the Court of the Carrousel had frozen her with terror when she was flying from her prison, the Tuileries, to begin the fatal journey to Varennes. His aides-de-camp had pursued her. He was responsible for her arrest; he was present at her humiliating and sorrowful return; the sight of his face, the sound of his voice, made her tremble; she could not hear his name without a shudder. In vain Madame Elisabeth exclaimed: "Let us forget the past and throw ourselves into the arms of the only man who can save the King and his family!" Marie Antoinette"s pride revolted at the thought of owing anything to her former persecutor. Moreover, in his latest confidential communications with her, Mirabeau had said: "Madame, be on your guard against Lafayette; if ever he commands the army, he would like to keep {237} the King in his tent." In the Queen"s opinion, to rely on Lafayette would be to accept him as regent of the palace under a sluggard King. Protector for protector, she preferred Danton. Danton, who, subsidized from the civil list, accepts money without knowing whether he will fairly earn it; Danton, who, while awaiting events, had made the cynical remark that he would "save the King or kill him." Strange that the orator of the faubourgs inspired the daughter of Caesars with less repugnance than the gentleman, the marquis. "They propose M. de Lafayette as a resource,"
she said to Madame Campan; "but it would be better to perish than owe our safety to the man who has done us most harm."
However, Lafayette was not yet discouraged. He wished to save the royal family in spite of themselves. He a.s.sembled several officers of the National Guard at his house. He represented to them the dangers into which the apathy of each plunged the affairs of all; he showed the urgent necessity of combining against the avowed enterprises of the anarchists, of inspiring the National a.s.sembly with the firmness required to repress the intended attacks, and foretold the inevitable calamities which would result from the weakness and disunion of honest men. He wanted to march against the Jacobin Club and close it. But, in consequence of the instructions issued by the court, the royalists of the National Guard were indisposed to second him in this measure.
Lafayette, having no one on his side but the const.i.tutionals, an {238} honest but scanty group who were suspected by both of the extreme parties, gave up the struggle. The next day, June 30, he beat a hasty retreat to the army, after writing to the a.s.sembly another letter which was merely an echo of the first one. A moment since, the Jacobins were trembling. Now, they are rea.s.sured, they triumph. In his _Chronique des Cinquante Jours_, Roederer says: "If M. de Lafayette had had the will and ability to make a bold stroke and seize the dictatorship, reserving the power to relinquish it after the re-establishment of order, one could comprehend his coming to the a.s.sembly with the sword of a dictator at his side; but, to show it only, without resolving to draw it from the scabbard, was a fatal imprudence. In civil commotions it will not answer to dare by halves."
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XXIII.
THE LAMOURETTE KISS.
France had still its moments of enthusiasm and illusion before plunging into the abyss of woes. It seemed under an hallucination, or suffering from a sort of vertigo. A nameless frenzy, both in good and evil, agitated and disturbed it beyond measure in 1792, that year so fertile in surprises and dramas of every kind. Strange and bizarre epoch, full of love and hatred, launching itself from one extreme to the other with frightful inconstancy, now weeping with tenderness, and now howling with rage! Society resembled a drunken man who is sometimes amiable in his cups, and sometimes cruel. There were sudden halts on the road of fury, oases in the midst of scorching sands, beneath a sun whose fire consumed. But the caravan does not rest long beneath the shady trees.
Quickly it resumes its course as if urged by a mysterious force, and soon the terrible simoom overwhelms and destroys it.
Madame Elisabeth wrote to Madame de Raigecourt, July 8, 1792: "It would need all Madame de Sevigne"s eloquence to describe properly what {240} happened yesterday; for it was certainly the most surprising thing, the most extraordinary, the greatest, the smallest, etc., etc. But, fortunately, experience may aid comprehension. In a word, here were Jacobins, Feuillants, republicans, and monarchists, abjuring all their discords and a.s.sembling near the tree of the Const.i.tution and of liberty, to promise sincerely that they will act in accordance with law and not depart from it. Luckily, August is coming, the time when, the leaves being well grown, the tree of liberty will afford a more secure shelter."
What had happened on the day before Madame Elisabeth wrote this letter?
There had been a very singular session of the Legislative a.s.sembly. In the morning, a woman named Olympe de Gouges, whose mother was a dealer in second-hand clothing at Montauban, being consumed with a desire to be talked about, had caused an emphatic placard to be posted up, in which she preached concord between all parties. This placard was like a prologue to the day"s session.