It has also the power of nominating a successor in the room of the person recalled. But, my lords, it has no other power whatever, as your lordships will find in looking into the law on the subject--it has no other power whatever, my lords, except under the direction and control of the board of commissioners for the affairs of India, and for the acts of that board of commissioners her majesty"s government is responsible.
Under these circ.u.mstances, my lords, I venture again to say, what I before said, that it is not a discreet act of authority to recall from power--to recall from such an important what not, is one thing; to excite the common people of the country to approach as near as possible to the commission of crime, and to do all the mischief that is possible to be done to the country, without exposing one"s own person, is another thing; but to corrupt the army is quite a different thing, which, I hope and trust, I may promise your lordships will not be fulfilled.
_August 11, 1843._
_Eulogium on Major-General Sir Charles Napier._
My lords, I must say, that, after giving the fullest consideration to these operations (in Scinde), I have never known an instance of an officer who has shown in a higher degree that he possesses all the qualities and qualifications to enable him to conduct great operations.
He has maintained the utmost discretion and prudence in the formation of his plans, the utmost activity in all the preparations to ensure his success, and, finally, the utmost zeal, gallantry, and science, in carrying them into execution.
_February 12, 1844._
_Persons of every Religious Denomination interested in the maintenance of the Reformation._
The n.o.ble lord (Earl Fitzwilliam) has propounded to your lordships a something, neither the nature of which, nor the period at which it is to be carried into execution, is he himself exactly certain of. Something or other must be done; to that something this country must make up its mind; the n.o.ble lord does not state what it is to be; but it is, at all events, to involve the necessary to send out to that part of the globe--and the act of parliament will shew they are bound to have none--having no share in giving those instructions--in short, having no knowledge on which to found a judgment on so important a subject as the recall of a governor-general, they took upon themselves to p.r.o.nounce their judgment on the conduct of this officer, and to disapprove of it.
Now, my lords, I must say, that having no knowledge which could enable them fairly to p.r.o.nounce their judgment on his conduct, or that could justify them in depriving the government and the country of the best instrument--I say it again, the best instrument to carry on and perform the various duties of that great office, making no provision whatever for the performance of those duties which are now to be provided for by her majesty"s government, is an indiscreet exercise of the powers they possess. My lords, as I have said so much on this subject, I will, in order to ill.u.s.trate the indiscretion of this act (that is the best word I can find for it), go yet a little further. My lords, though I believe this is the first time in the history of the government of India that this extreme measure has been resorted to by the court of directors, it has more than once been in contemplation; but upon the advice and remonstrance of the ministers of the day, the resolution of the court of directors has been always withdrawn. And it is the fact, that it has been in contemplation by these very gentlemen, with reference to this same governor general, in the course of the last twelve months; but they were at that time prevailed upon to withdraw that resolution, and not to persist in the recall of my n.o.ble friend. This was previous to the late great military operations in Gwalior, of which we have all heard with so much satisfaction,--operations which I am sure your lordships will have perceived from the perusal of the reports which have been laid upon your table, must have been founded upon the most just and discriminate measures, for the equipment and maintenance of the armies placed in the field, under the direction and superintendence of the governor general--not the equipment only of these armies--but the support of the troops in the field, the maintenance of military communication, and the moans of advance and retreat--in short, all that could tend to insure their success--were amply provided for. Then, my lords, suppose the case to have occurred of the court of directors thinking proper to recall the n.o.ble lord six or eight months ago, whilst the measures to which I have just alluded were in contemplation, what would have become of the great operations at Gwalior--operations carried on under the superintendence and direction of my n.o.ble friend the governor general. Why, the gentleman who was senior in the council must have succeeded my n.o.ble friend--a respectable man no doubt he is, but without the experience of my n.o.ble friend; and without the knowledge of the manner of equipping armies, and making proper arrangements for their being called into action, it is needless to add, that such great and successful operations as those to which I have alluded could not be carried on, and I leave your lordships to judge what the situation of India would have been if that expedition had failed, and if such an army as the one which we have seen described in one of the blue books upon this table had continued in existence, threatened, as we were, at the same moment, by a similar body in the Punjaub, on the north-west frontier, and with the province of Scinde still in an unsettled state.
Why, my lords, the danger would have been imminent, and this would have been the consequence of the recall of my n.o.ble friend six or eight months ago, a measure which was in contemplation, and was only prevented by our representations to those who have now committed this gross indiscretion of recalling the n.o.ble lord--it was prevented only by the representations made to those gentlemen of the danger which would ensue to the public interest from the measures which they were about to adopt, the dangers resulting from the impossibility that they would be able to provide for events which most probably would occur if they recalled their officer without the consent of her majesty"s government, who would thus be deprived of the instrument in their hands best fitted for carrying their instructions into execution, while the directors, in this country, must be unable to direct the means in existence for securing the safety of their troops, for guarding their frontier, for upholding the honour of Her majesty"s arms, and the security of our vast dominions in that part of the world. I say again, as I have said before, and I say the least of it, when I p.r.o.nounce it to be the most indiscreet exercise of power that I have known carried into execution by any body possessed of power since I have had a knowledge of public affairs, which I am sorry to say is upwards of half a century.
_April 29, 1844._
_His Support of the New Poor Law (Ireland.)_
I will take the liberty of reminding your lordships that the New Poor Law was originated by n.o.ble lords opposite, while they were in the service of her majesty, and that I gave the measure my support from a sense of duty, because I thought it was calculated to benefit Ireland. I have throughout supported the measure; I proposed some amendments which I thought likely to promote its beneficial action; I have given it my support ever since; and I am prepared to do all in my power to ensure its successful operation.
_May 17, 1844._
THE END.