"France, Sire, has as a guarantee of it her will, and her dearest interests; she has as a guarantee of it all that your Majesty has said to the population of the different parts of the country, which a.s.sembled in crowds on your pa.s.sage. Your Majesty will keep your word, you will remember only the services rendered your country; you will prove, that in your eyes, and in your heart, whatever the different opinions and exasperations of parties may have been, all citizens are equal, as they are in the eye of the law.
"Your Majesty will also forget, that we have been the masters of the nations around us. Generous idea! that adds another glory to the glory already acquired.
"Already has Your Majesty traced out to your ministers the path they have to pursue: already have you made known to all the people by your proclamations the maxims, by which you would have your empire governed for the future. No war without, unless to repel unjust aggression; no re-action within, no arbitrary proceedings; security of person, security of property, and the free circulation of opinions, are the principles you have sanctioned.
"Happy those, Sire, who are called to cooperate in so many sublime acts! Such benefits will ensure to you from posterity, when the days of adulation are at an end, the name of Father of your country: they will be guarantied to our children by the august heir, whom your Majesty is preparing to crown in the Champ de Mai."
The Emperor answered:
"The sentiments you have expressed to me are mine. "Every thing agreeably to the sense of the nation, and every thing for France:" such is my motto.
"I and my family, whom this great people has raised to the French throne, and maintained on it in spite of vicissitudes and political tempests, will not, ought not, cannot, ever claim any other t.i.tle to it."
The Count Defermon, father of the presidents of the council of state, delivered to the Emperor the following declaration, tending to prove the nullity of the abdication of Fontainbleau:
"The council of state, in resuming its functions, thinks it necessary to make known the principles, by which its conduct and opinions are guided.
"The sovereignty resides in the people, who are the only legitimate source of power.
"In 1789 the nation recovered its rights, which had long been usurped, or misunderstood.
"The National a.s.sembly abolished the feudal monarchy, and established a const.i.tutional monarchy, and a representative government.
"The resistance of the Bourbons to the wishes of the people occasioned their downfal, and their banishment from the French territories.
"Twice the people sanctioned by its votes the new form of government established by its representatives.
"In the year 8th, Bonaparte, already crowned by victory, found himself raised to the government by the a.s.sent of the nation. A const.i.tution created the consular magistracy.
"The senatus consultum of the 16th of Thermidor, year 10, named Bonaparte consul for life.
"The senatus consultum of the 28th of Floreal, year 12, conferred on Napoleon the imperial dignity, and made it hereditary in his family.
"These three solemn acts were laid for acceptance before the people, who sanctioned them by nearly four millions of votes.
"Accordingly, the Bourbons had ceased to reign in France for two and twenty years; they were forgotten there by their contemporaries; strangers to our laws, our inst.i.tutions, our manners, our glory; and the present generation knew nothing of them.
"In 1814 France was invaded by the armies of the enemy, and the capital occupied. The foreigners created a pretended provisional government. They a.s.sembled a minority of the senators, and compelled them, in opposition to their delegated powers and to their will, to destroy the existing establishments, to overturn the imperial throne, and to recall the family of the Bourbons.
"The senate, which had been inst.i.tuted solely to maintain the const.i.tution of the empire, acknowledged itself, that it had no power to alter it. It decreed, that the scheme of a const.i.tution, which it had prepared, should be submitted to the people for their acceptance, and that Louis Stanislas Xavier should be proclaimed King of the French, as soon as he had accepted the const.i.tution, and sworn to observe it, and cause it to be observed.
"The abdication of the Emperor Napoleon was solely the result of the unfortunate situation, to which France and the Emperor had been reduced by the events of the war, by treason, and by the occupation of the capital. The only object of the abdication was, to avoid a civil war, and the shedding of French blood. Unsanctioned by the will of the people, this act could not annul the solemn contract, that was established between them and the Emperor. And if Napoleon possessed the power of abdicating the throne in his own person, he had none to sacrifice the rights of his son, appointed to reign after him.
"The Emperor, therefore, by re-ascending the throne, to which the people had elevated him, restored the people to their most sacred rights: he only called into execution the decrees of the Representative a.s.semblies, sanctioned by the nation: he returns to reign on the only legitimate principle, that France acknowledges and has acknowledged for five and twenty years, and to which all the authorities bound themselves by oaths, that they can be released from by the will of the people alone.
"The Emperor is called upon, to guaranty anew, by inst.i.tutions, as he has engaged to do in his proclamations to the nation and the army, all the principles of liberty: personal freedom, and equality of rights; the freedom of the press, and abolition of the censorship; freedom of religious worship; the voting of laws and contributions by the representatives of the nation lawfully chosen; national property, from whatever source arising; the independence and stability of our tribunals; the responsibility of ministers, and of all the agents of authority.
"The more perfectly to sanction the rights and obligations of the people and the monarch, the national inst.i.tutions should be revised in a grand a.s.sembly of the representatives already announced by the Emperor.
"Previous to the meeting of this grand representative a.s.sembly, the Emperor ought to exercise, and cause to be exercised, conformably to the existing laws and const.i.tution, the authority they have delegated to him, which could not be taken from him, which he could not abdicate without the consent of the nation, and which the wishes and general interest of the French people render it his duty to resume."
The Emperor answered:
"Princes are the first citizens of the state: their authority is more or less extensive according to the interests of the nations they govern: the sovereignty itself is hereditary only because the interest of the people requires it. I know nothing of a legitimacy extraneous to these principles.
"I have renounced the idea of that grand empire, of which in the course of fifteen years I had merely laid the foundations: henceforward the happiness and consolidation of the French empire will be the object of all my thoughts."
The court of ca.s.sation expressed the same principles and the same sentiments as the council of state.
To this the Emperor answered:
"In the earliest ages of the French monarchy, rude tribes made themselves masters of Gaul. The sovereignty, of course, was not framed for the benefit of the Gauls, who were slaves, or dest.i.tute of political rights; but for the benefit of the conquering tribe. It can never have been said with truth, therefore, in any period of history, in any nation, even in the east, that the people exist for kings. Every where it has been established, that kings exist only for the people. A dynasty created under circ.u.mstances, that have created so many new interests, being itself interested in the maintenance of the rights and properties of all, can alone be natural and legitimate, and in possession of strength and confidence, the two leading characters in all government."
The court of accounts, and the imperial court, held the same language as the preceding authorities.
To these the Emperor answered:
"What particularly distinguishes the imperial throne is, that it has been raised by the nation, that it is consequently natural, and that it guaranties the interests of all. This is the true character of legitimacy. It is the interest of this throne, to consolidate all that at present exists, and all that has been done in France during the twenty-five years of revolution. It comprises all interests, and particularly that of the national glory, which is not the least among them.
"Whatever has returned with the foreign armies, whatever has been done without consulting the nation, is null. The courts of Gren.o.ble and Lyons, and all the tribunals of the judicial order, which I met with while the success of events was yet uncertain, have shown me, that these principles are engraved on the heart of every Frenchman."
The reception of these public bodies being over, there was a grand audience in the apartments of the palace. The answers of the Emperor, repeated with embellishments, had produced the most profound sensation. The words national glory, liberty, country, so long unknown and proscribed within these walls, resounded on every side. When the emigrants re-appeared, and the most ill.u.s.trious servants of the state were expelled, to make room for men, who had become strangers to our manners, our inst.i.tutions, and our triumphs; you would have said, that France existed no longer, that it had pa.s.sed under the dominion of foreigners. When Napoleon returned, our country appeared to have returned with him: he seemed to have brought it back from exile, and he might then exclaim with just pride: "I am the nation."
The example set by the magistrates of Paris soon found numerous imitators in the departments. The public functionaries, the judicial and administrative authorities, which but a few days before had offered up prayers to Heaven and to the King for the extermination of the Corsican, the tyrant, and the usurper, were eager to congratulate the Emperor on his miraculous return; and to confer on him the t.i.tles of hero, deliverer, and more especially of legitimate sovereign.
Napoleon"s progress had been so rapid, that many addresses to the King did not reach Paris before the King was gone; and all these were delivered at the same time with the new addresses voted to his successor[83]! I remarked this to the Emperor; who answered me with a smile of pity: "See what men are!"
The favourites of Apollo did not fail to offer up their obsequious incense to the G.o.d of the day. We received from the Countess de G*** some very pretty verses in honour of the violet. Another woman, still more celebrated, the Baroness de S***, took occasion from some flattering words said for her to M. B. C., to write an epistle to the Emperor, which would make a curious figure at the head of her last work.
The most rigid writers and lecturers on the common law, who the evening before, with Cujas and Bartholi in their hands, had formally impleaded Napoleon, were eager to testify their admiration of him, and proclaim him the sovereign of sovereigns.
Thus Napoleon was more honoured and lauded than ever; and it must be confessed, that he conducted himself so as to deserve it: on one hand he caressed the nation, and on the other private interests, which it is much more difficult to conciliate than what is called the public interest.
The decrees of Lyons had sequestrated anew the estates restored to emigrants since 1814. Part of these had been sold by those who had recovered them; and it was necessary, to quiet the apprehensions of the purchasers. The Emperor declared irrevocable all the sales, that had been completed; and confirmed those, that had taken place subsequently to the decree, when it could be proved, that they were not collusive.
On the other hand, the emigrants, who had returned, had purchased property, the price of which might not have been entirely paid: and in order to do justice both to the emigrants and to the sellers, he ordered, that estates recently acquired should not be subject to sequestration, on condition of being re-sold within a certain period.
Another decree from Lyons had indiscriminately abolished all promotions in the legion of honour, and in the army, made since the royal restoration. He subjected to revision the nominations, that appeared to him the result of favour, intrigue, and venality; and confirmed all, that had been the reward of real and meritorious services. He would not even allow men"s opinions, to const.i.tute a line of demarcation and directed the minister, to pay regard to ancient services rendered by officers since incorporated in the King"s household.
He confirmed also the decorations granted to the national guard; and distributed new ones among the brave pupils of the polytechnical school, whose n.o.ble conduct had so much excited the admiration of Paris, and of foreigners, at the time of the occurrences of 1814.
The daughters of the members of the legion of honour had claims to his remembrance, and his consolation, too sacred, not to partic.i.p.ate in his favours. He went to visit them. His presence excited inexpressible enthusiasm among these young orphans: they threw themselves at his feet, embraced his knees, and watered them with their tears. He had taken a spoon, to taste their food: after he was gone, as every one wished to have it, they broke it to pieces, and shared it amongst them. Most of them had braided rings of hair, on which were traced patriotic devices, or the ingenious expression of their sentiments for Napoleon. The Emperor having condescended to accept some of these, and place them on his fingers, every one of the orphans was desirous of obtaining the same favour: they rushed on him, seized his hands, and in an instant covered them with these innocent pledges of love and grat.i.tude. The Emperor, moved, enchanted, submitted with kind complaisance to the gentle fetters of these amiable infants. They ingeniously intreated him, not to give away the rings they had presented to him; and he promised to keep them, a.s.suring them, that they would be as valuable in his eyes as the jewels of his crown.
The working cla.s.s, who had surnamed Napoleon le grand entrepreneur[84], also received its share of the imperial favours. The works commenced in his reign, and buried in dust under that of the Bourbons, were resumed with activity. The capital became, as before, a vast workshop: and the Parisians, who had learned from strangers to perceive the beauty of their edifices, saw with a mingled sentiment of grat.i.tude and pride, that new marvels were still more to embellish their majestic city.
In fine, all cla.s.ses received testimonies of the solicitude and justice of Napoleon. Must it be said? his old companions in the island of Elba alone were forgotten.