The att.i.tude of the chamber and of the government did not remove the apprehensions of the Prince of Eckmuhl. He returned to the charge; and wrote to the president of the committee, in the night of the 29th, "that he had vanquished his prejudices and opinions, and found, that no means of safety existed but in concluding an armistice, and immediately proclaiming Louis XVIII."
The president answered him:
"I am as well persuaded as you, M. marshal, that nothing better can be done, than to treat with prompt.i.tude of an armistice: but we must know, what the enemy wants. An injudicious conduct would produce three evils:
"1st, That of having acknowledged Louis XVIII. previous to any engagement on his side:
"2d, That of being equally compelled, to admit the enemy into Paris:
"3d, That of obtaining no conditions from Louis XVIII.
"I take upon myself, to authorize you, to send to the advanced posts of the enemy, and to conclude an armistice, making every sacrifice, that is compatible with our duties, and with our dignity. It is better to give up fortified towns, than to sacrifice Paris."
The Duke of Otranto having laid this letter before the committee, it thought, that the answer of its president _decided implicitly the question of the recall of Louis XVIII._, and allowed the Prince of Eckmuhl too great lat.i.tude. It made him write immediately a supplementary letter, saying: "It is unnecessary to remind you, M.
marshal, that your armistice must be purely military, and must contain no political question. It would be proper, that this demand of an armistice should be made by a general of the line, and a major-general of the national guard."
Thus in the s.p.a.ce of the twenty-four hours, that preceded and followed the Emperor"s departure, the committee had to repel, and did repel, the instigations more or less culpable of the minister at war, the general in chief of the army, and the president of the government[81].
[Footnote 81: The reader will be aware, that I reason here, as well as every where else, on the principles of the mandate given to the committee.]
The army, however, had arrived step by step at the gates of Paris.
Marshal Grouchy, dissatisfied and disconcerted, gave in his resignation on the score of his health.
The Prince of Eckmuhl, who, by an air of sincerity, and reiterated protestations of devotion and fidelity, had regained, thanks to the Duke of Otranto, the confidence of the majority of the members of the committee, was invested with the command in chief of the army.
On the 30th of June a message informed the chambers, that the enemies were within sight of the capital; that the army, re-organized, occupied a line of defence, by which Paris was protected; that it was animated with the best disposition; and that its devotion equalled its valour.
Deputations from the two chambers immediately set out, to carry to the defenders of their country the expression of the principles, the sentiments, and the hopes of the national representation. Their patriotic language, their tri-coloured scarfs, and the name of Napoleon II., which they took care to employ, electrified the soldiery; and completely restored to them that confidence in themselves, and that resolution to conquer or die, which are the infallible presages of victory.
The moment for marching to battle was propitious. The Prince of Eckmuhl solicited peace.
The Duke of Albufera had just concluded an armistice with Marshal Frimont, commander of the Austrian forces. The prince informed the Duke of Wellington of it; and demanded of him, to cause a cessation of hostilities, _till a decision of congress should take place_. "If I appear on the field of battle with the idea of your talents," he added, "I shall carry with me the conviction, that I am fighting for the most sacred of causes, that of the defence and independence of my country; and, whatever may be the result, my lord, I will merit your esteem."
If, instead of holding a language more suitable to a man half vanquished, than to a French general accustomed to conquer, another chief, differently inspired, had declared with n.o.ble firmness, that he was ready, if a stop were not put to unjust aggressions, to give to his eighty thousand brave soldiers the signal of victory or death; the enemy would unquestionably have desisted from pursuing a war, now become without object, without utility, and without glory. But the Duke of Wellington, faithfully informed of the true state of things, knew that the Prince of Eckmuhl, satisfied with having surmounted his prejudices and opinions, appeared more disposed to neutralize the courage of his troops, than to put it to the proof; and Wellington refused the suspension of hostilities proposed. It entered into the policy of the princes, who had taken up arms for legitimacy, to compel us to receive Louis XVIII. _cap in hand_: and the consequence of this was, that the allied generals avoided treating; as the sentiments of the president of the committee, and of the general of the French army, fully satisfied them, that they might wait without any risk, till circ.u.mstances or treachery compelled us, to submit to the law of necessity.
Wellington had rejected the proposal of Marshal Davoust, under the frivolous pretence, that the Emperor had resumed the command of the army. It is naturally to be presumed, that the committee had not neglected, to give the commissioners immediate information of the departure of Napoleon, and of the circ.u.mstances, that had preceded it.
But it had hitherto received no communication from them. Their correspondence, intentionally fettered by the allies, had been farther prevented by our advanced posts; who, considering the persons appointed to hold a parley as machinators of treason, stopped their way with their muskets. The committee resolved, therefore, to obtain news of them at any price: and, on the recommendation of the Duke of Otranto, it despatched to them M. de Tromeling. It was not ignorant, that this emigrant officer, a Vendean, and long detained in the Temple as the companion of Sir Sidney Smith and Captain Wright, little merited the confidence of the patriots. But the double-faced agents of M. Fouche alone could open the enemy"s lines; and it was obliged, in spite of itself, to make use of them.
M. de Tromeling set out. Instead of delivering his despatches to the commissioners, he was afraid of their being taken from him by the enemy, and he destroyed them. The committee thought, that he had rather deceived himself by his cunning; but it readily excused this error, to attend wholly to the news he had brought.
Our commissioners arrived at the English head-quarters on the 28th, and were eager to solicit a suspension of arms.
Lord Wellington informed them, that he wished to consult with Prince Blucher on this point; and on the 29th of June, at half after eleven in the evening, he sent them the following answer.
Head quarters of Prince Blucher, June the 29th, 1815, 11-1/2 at night.
"Gentlemen,
"I have the honour to acquaint you, that having consulted Marshal Prince Blucher on your proposal for an armistice, his highness has agreed with me, that, under present circ.u.mstances, no armistice can take place, while Napoleon Bonaparte is in Paris, and at _liberty_; and that the operations are in such a state, that he cannot stop them.
"I have the honour, &c.
"WELLINGTON."
On the 1st of July in the morning, they had a conference, of which they gave an account to the government by the following despatch, addressed to Baron Bignon, secretary of state, a.s.sistant to the minister of foreign affairs.
"Louvres, July the 1st, 1815, forenoon.
"Monsieur le Baron,
"The despatches, Nos. 1, 2, and 3, which we have had the honour to address to you, remain unanswered[82]. We are absolutely deprived of the knowledge of what is pa.s.sing at Paris, and in the rest of France.
To whatever cause this want of communication is to be ascribed, it renders our situation painful, and is detrimental to the activity of our proceedings. It may render them useless: we request you, to remedy this as speedily as possible.
[Footnote 82: As these despatches are now uninteresting, I have not inserted them.]
"At present we are authorized to think, that, as soon as you have made known, that Napoleon Bonaparte is at a distance, a suspension of hostilities for three days may be signed, in order to adjust an armistice, during which a treaty for peace may take place.
"Directed by the instructions given us, to listen to what may be said to us, and make you acquainted with it, we have to inform you, the Duke of Wellington has repeated to us several times, that as soon as our government has a head, peace will speedily be concluded.
"Speaking, as he says, merely as a private individual, but supposing however, that his opinion may be taken into consideration, he more than objects to the government of Napoleon II.; and thinks, that, under such a reign, Europe could enjoy no security, and France no repose.
"They say, that they do not pretend to oppose the choice of any other head to the government. They repeat on every occasion, that the powers of Europe do not pretend, to interfere in this choice: but they add, that, if the prince chosen were such, as by the nature of his situation to excite apprehensions for the tranquillity of Europe, by rendering that of France problematical, it would be necessary for the allied powers to have guarantees; and we have reason to believe, that these guarantees would be cessions of territory.
"One person alone, Louis XVIII. seems to unite all the conditions, that could prevent Europe from demanding guarantees for its security.
"Already, they say, he resides at Cambray. Quesney has opened its gates to him. These places, and other towns, are in his power; either by having delivered themselves up, or having been put into his hands by the allies.
"The Duke of Wellington admits and enumerates a considerable part of the faults committed by Louis XVIII. during his government of a few months. He puts in the first rank his having given to the princes of his family entrance into his council; his having had a ministry without union, and without responsibility; his having created a military household, not chosen from the soldiers of the army; and his not having placed about him persons, who were truly interested in the maintenance of the charter.
"It seems to him, that, by making known our grievances, _without settling conditions_, engagements might be formed with the public, which would remove its apprehensions for the future, by giving France the guarantee, it might desire.
"If a discussion of conditions take place, others beside the actual authorities might deliberate, resumed the Duke.
"If any time be lost, generals of other armies might interfere in the negotiations; and they would be rendered more complicated by additional interests.
"We add two proclamations of Louis XVIII. &c.
(Signed) "ANDReOSSY, "Count BOISSY D"ANGLAS, "FLAUGERGUES, "VALENCE, "LABESNARDIER."
M. Bignon"s despatch, announcing the departure of Napoleon, having reached them after the conclusion of this first conference, they hastened to communicate it to Lord Wellington; and to claim a suspension of hostilities, in order to conclude an armistice, to which the presence of Napoleon had hitherto been the only obstacle.
Lord Wellington answered them: "that it was necessary for him, to confer with Prince Blucher, and that he would give them an answer in the course of the day."