The recall, a still more recent device than the initiative and referendum, has, indeed, no precedent in the past, or in other countries. In substance, it makes the tenure of office of an elective official dependent on the continuous good-will of the voters, or of a certain proportion of the voters. Under the present charter of the city of Boston, the mayor may be "recalled" upon pet.i.tion of fifty per cent. of the registered voters--a proportion which practically makes the recall impossible. Where, however, the initiative of the recall depends on a small proportion and the result is determined by a simple majority vote at the polls, it is easy to see that the mayor or other official would be in continuous apprehension, if he cared for his office, and in any event would not be able to adopt and follow out any continuous policy. The terms of most of our officials are brief. A proposal to apply the "recall" to judges would, in the opinion of the writer, be wicked, if not unconst.i.tutional; as to all other officials, it would tend to destroy their efficiency, and in most cases be in itself ridiculous, at least as to short-term officers holding for only one or two years.
One of the most noteworthy of political changes that have occurred in the republic since the adoption of the Const.i.tution in 1789, is that affecting the election and tenure of office of judges. Smith, in his book on American State Const.i.tutions, published shortly after the Revolution, tells us that at that time every State in the Union had its judges appointed by the executive for a life term. To-day, this principle survives only in the Federal courts and four States, New Hampshire, Ma.s.sachusetts, Maine, and Delaware, although in Connecticut, New Jersey, and Mississippi, the judges of the highest, or Supreme Court, are still appointed in this manner and for life. In Vermont, Rhode Island, Virginia, and South Carolina, Supreme Court judges are elected by the two houses of the legislature in joint convention, but in all other States, that is, universally in the West and Southwest, the judges are elected by the people of the States or of their respective districts. New York and Pennsylvania, however, have very long terms, which by some is said to combine the advantages of both systems; in other States the term is from four to six years.
In matters judicial the field is far too vast to permit more than briefest mention of the most important lines of popular legislation.
In the first place, common law and chancery jurisdiction are very generally fused and confounded. A few States still have chancellors entirely distinct from the common-law judges, and Ma.s.sachusetts and a few other States still keep chancery terms and chancery procedure distinct from the common law. It is certainly a curious result that the historic jealousy of chancery and all its works should have ended, in the most radical States of the Union, in their complete adoption of the whole system of chancery with all its concomitants. As a result, the injunction writ, originally the high prerogative of the crown and its highest officers, has now become the weapon of all judges, even in some States of inferior magistrates, and has been used with a confusion and recklessness that have gone far to justify the complaint of labor interests.
On the other hand, we have grown less jealous of preserving our common-law jury rights. Not only is much more provision made for the waiver of jury trial in all States, at least in criminal cases, and for a trial by the court without a jury unless it be specially claimed, but there is a distinct tendency to have juries less than twelve in number, and verdicts not unanimous, but made up of three-fourths, two-thirds, or even a simple majority; while our indifference to common-law rights shown in our multiplication of boards and commissioners has already been commented on.
Legislation on the law of evidence has been on two main lines, originally, of course, under the Federal Const.i.tution, to destroy all religious tests, and permit an atheist or person of heathen religion to testify upon simple affirmation, or according to his religious tenets. Universally, persons charged with crime have been permitted to testify in their own defence, with the common provision that no inference shall be drawn from their not doing so. Of course, by our Const.i.tution itself, they were given the right to counsel and compulsory process for obtaining evidence on their own behalf, neither of which rights existed under the old common law; and then almost universally the wife is permitted to testify against the husband or in his behalf, especially in cases involving controversy between them; while, as she is very generally given the right to make contracts even with the husband, she is naturally given the right to enforce the same in civil courts as well.
It is in procedure that our legislation is least efficient. Having little knowledge of the subject, legislatures have been shy of meddling with court rules and processes; while the very fact that the legislatures have taken unto themselves the right so to interfere, has seemed to impress both bench and bar with a certain sense of irresponsibility. I fear we must admit that the judges of England, aided by its bar, have been far more solicitous of speedy and simple procedure and trial than have the courts of this country. Some Western States have crudely tried to meet the difficulty, as by providing that all judges must render an opinion within sixty days, or other brief period, after a case is argued before them, or even by limiting the number of witnesses to be called! But it may be feared that so long as public sentiment rather demands every possibility of evasion of execution than that a guilty person should be promptly and summarily punished, little can be hoped for from the legislatures. Such progress as has been made in this direction has universally been under the urgent instance of the lawyers themselves, acting through the State or Federal bar a.s.sociations. But the judges themselves must venture a stricter control of irrelevant testimony.
XV
OTHER LEGISLATION AFFECTING INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS
Legislation concerning freedom of speech and its limitations, the law of slander and libel, hardly exists in America, except only the efforts of newspapers to be free of the consequences of libels published by them, provided they publish a retractation; and the efforts of the people to protect their reputation and right to privacy, as by laws like that of the State of Pennsylvania prohibiting ridiculous or defamatory cartoons, even of persons in public life; and the legislation already attempted in some States to prohibit the use of a person"s likeness for advertising purposes, or to protect them from the kodak fiend, or even to establish a general right to privacy as to their doings, engagements, social entertainments, etc., when they are of no legitimate interest to the public. Legislation in these directions has, however, only made a beginning.
The newspaper-libel laws usually provide that the retractation shall be a defence to a libel suit, at least if published in as large a type and in as conspicuous a manner as the original article complained of; sometimes they only provide that in such cases the newspaper shall be relieved of all but actual damages. The wisdom of such legislation is questionable, as the old adage runs: "A lie will travel around the world while the truth is putting on its boots"; moreover, it is questionable whether they are not cla.s.s legislation in extending to a certain form of business or a certain trade a protection which is not extended to others. There has been much legislation preventing the advertising of patent medicines, immoral remedies, divorce advertis.e.m.e.nt, and such matters. Some newspapers have objected to it, but the right of freedom of the press does not include the right to the use of the mails, and the papers containing the objectionable advertis.e.m.e.nts may const.i.tutionally be seized or denied delivery, just as convict-made goods may be denied circulation in interstate commerce, by act of Congress, not, of course, of the States. Mr.
Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, has complained that the injunction of their so-called "unfair list" is an interference with the freedom of the press, and I presume would claim that an injunction against urging, or combining to urge, by oral argument, the members of the various unions throughout the country to boycott a certain person, would be an interference with the right of freedom of speech, and that therefore if the courts did not so decide, the laws should be changed by statute. This, also, would seem open to the objection of cla.s.s legislation if extended only to speech or publication in industrial disputes. It should be noted, however, that the broad principle of freedom of speech by all persons and at all places is first adopted in the American const.i.tutions, freedom of speech in England in its historical principles extending only to freedom of speech in the House of Parliament, and the right of a.s.sembly and pet.i.tion at a public meeting; freedom of the press, however, is the same const.i.tutional principle in both countries, but only extends to the right to publish without previously obtaining the consent of any censor or other authority, and the person publishing still remains responsible for all damages caused by such act. It is this part of the law which Mr.
Gompers would alter, or rather make absolute; so that any notice or threat could be printed and circulated even when a component act of a conspiracy.
By a recent act of Congress the right of freedom of speech does not extend to anarchistic utterances, or speeches or writings aimed against order, the established government, and inciting to a.s.sa.s.sination or crime. Such laws are barely const.i.tutional as applied to United States citizens. The unpopularity of the alien and sedition laws under the administration of John Adams will be remembered. Since their repeal, no attempt at a law of government libel has been made; very recently, however, where certain gentlemen, mostly holding important government offices, were charged with having made money out of the Panama Ca.n.a.l purchase, the weight and influence of the administration was given to the attempt to indict them and bring them to the courts of the central government at Washington for trial. This attempt, however, failed in the courts, as, in the Wilkes case, it had failed more than a century before at the bar of public opinion.
But the law is, of course, much stronger as to persons not citizens.
That is to say, no one has any right to immigrate into this country, and therefore intending immigrants may be kept out by legislation if they are anarchists, socialists, or, indeed, hold any opinion for the moment unpopular with Congress. The attempt has so far, however, not been made to keep out any but violent anarchists, and, of course, persons who are diseased, of immoral life, or likely to become a public charge. And the attempt to keep them under the hand of the central government for years after they have taken their place for good or ill in the State body politic has recently failed in a monumental case vindicating anew the Tenth Amendment.
Connected in most people"s mind with the right of privacy is the right of a person to keep his house and his private papers to himself; but it bears no relation whatever to the very new-fangled notion of a general right to privacy. The two principles are that an Englishman"s house is his castle. His home, even though it be but one room in a tenement, may not be invaded by anybody, even by any government official or authority (except, of course, under modern sanitary police regulation), without a written warrant specifying the reason for such invasion, some offence with which the man is charged, and some particular doc.u.ment or paper, or other evidence of which they are in search. The principle against general warrants--that is, warrants specifying no definite offence or naming no particular person--was established in Ma.s.sachusetts in Colony times, and the principle taken over to England and affirmed by Lord Camden--one of the two or three celebrated examples where we have given a new const.i.tutional principle back to the mother country. Now, closely connected with this is another principle that a man shall not be compelled to testify in a criminal matter against himself, or that, if so compelled by statute or official, he shall then forever be immune from prosecution for any crime revealed by such testimony; the wording of the earlier const.i.tutional provisions was "in a criminal offence," but by modern, more liberal interpretation, it has been extended to any compulsory testimony, whether given in a criminal proceeding or not. This, with the principle protecting a man"s private affairs from inquisition, is expressed in our Fourth and Fifth Amendments, the former prohibiting unreasonable searches and general warrants, and the latter providing that no one shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor deprived of property without due process of law, and it has reasonably been argued that an inquisition into a person"s business or book of accounts is such deprivation of his property without due process of law, at least when applied to a natural person.
I find no legislation limiting these important principles, but on the contrary the tendency in modern statutes and modern State const.i.tutions is to extend and generalize them. Of such is the famous clause of the recent const.i.tutions of Kentucky and Wyoming that "absolute arbitrary power over the lives, liberty, and property of freemen exists nowhere in a republic, not even in the largest majority." In view of the frequently successful efforts of trust magnates and others to escape indictment or punishment by some enforced revelation of their affairs given after a criminal proceeding has has been commenced or before a grand jury, legislation is now strongly urged to withhold them immunity in such cases. This would relegate us to the early state of things where they would simply refuse to answer, so that it may be doubted if, on the whole, we should gain much. The right of an Englishman not to criminate himself is too cardinal in our const.i.tutional fabric to be questioned or to be altered without subverting the whole structure. Practically it would seem as if a little more intelligence on the part of our prosecutors would meet the evil. Corporations themselves are never immune; and unless the wicked official actually slept with all the books of the corporation under his pillow, it would be hard to imagine a case where some corporate clerk or subordinate officer could not be subpoenaed to produce the necessary evidence. Indeed, as has been well argued by leading American publicists, the sooner the public learns to go behind the figment of the corporation, the screen of the artificial person, into the human beings really composing it, the quicker we shall arrive at a cure for such evils as may exist. Legislation punishing or even fining an offending corporation is in the last sense ridiculous. It is necessarily paid by the innocent stockholders or the public. There is always some one person or a number of persons who have _done_ or suffered the things complained of; after all, every act of the corporation is necessarily done by some one or more individuals. We must get over our metaphysical habit of treating corporations as abstract ent.i.ties, and again recognize that they are but a definite number of natural persons bound together only for a few definite interests and with real men as officers who should be fully responsible for their actions. Indeed, it ought to be simpler to detect and punish offenders than in the case of mere individuals unincorporated, for the very fact that a corporation keeps books and acts under an elaborate set of by-laws and regulations gives a clew to its proceedings, and indicates a source of information as to all its acts. One clerk may therefore reveal, and properly reveal, books and letters which shall incriminate "those above"; one employee may show ten thousand persons guilty of an unlawful combination, and properly so. There is no reason why he should not, and the nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine others deserve, and are ent.i.tled to, no immunity whatever from his revelation.
The religious rights, although for the most part peculiar to the American Const.i.tution, adopted by us, indeed, as a result of the history of the two or three centuries preceding in England, but hardly in any particular a part of the British Const.i.tution, were by the reason of our very origin so strongly a.s.serted and so highly valued with us that no legislation has been found necessary on the subject.
Perhaps the sole important instance in which the question has come up has been that of instruction in the public schools and the use of the money raised by common taxation for special religious purposes. Very generally the latter is forbidden in our State const.i.tutions, the Federal Const.i.tution by the First Amendment merely protecting the right from the action of Congress. Owing to decisions of the Supreme Court, in the South it has become possible to divide school appropriations between schools for whites and blacks, and it is presumable that the same thing might be done as, for instance, between Roman Catholics and others, and something of the sort has, I believe, been done with the appropriations for the education of Indians.
The few statutes we find upon this matter tend to still further extend and liberalize religious rights. Almost universally now a man is not forbidden from testifying or being a witness by reason of his belief or disbelief, even when he is an atheist. The latter law is not, however, quite universal. He must, in some States, believe at least in the existence of G.o.d, or of a future state of reward or punishment.
Mormons, at one time, claimed the right to practise polygamy as a part of their religion guaranteed to them by the Const.i.tution; the contention did not prevail; on the contrary the Mormon States were made to submit to an enabling act under which they bound themselves to adopt State const.i.tutions providing for all time against polygamous practices. Such a treaty is not, of course, binding upon a sovereign State unless Mormonism be deemed inconsistent with a republican form of government; so that Utah, for instance, has probably the right to re-establish Mormonism to-morrow so far as the Federal Const.i.tution is concerned. Whether it would be permitted by a strenuous president having public sentiment at his back may indeed be questioned. In like manner, Christian Science pract.i.tioners have invoked the const.i.tutional right of religious belief against the common law requiring that those offering themselves to practise medicine should be reasonably skilled in their trade. Legislation permitting Christian Scientists to practise freely has been attempted in nearly all the States, but has not, so far as I am informed, succeeded in any, although a good many States have adopted statutes extending the right to osteopaths. Under the common law of England, re-established in Ma.s.sachusetts by a famous decision[1] twenty years ago, a person holding himself out as a surgeon or medical pract.i.tioner, who is absolutely uninstructed and ignorant, is guilty even of criminal negligence, and responsible for the death of his patient, even to the point of manslaughter.
[Footnote 1: Commonwealth _v_. Pierce, 138 Ma.s.s. 165.]
XVI
LEGISLATION CONCERNING PERSONAL AND RACIAL RIGHTS
This is, of course, a matter of which books might be, and indeed have been, written; our general essay on popular legislation can do no more than summarize past law-making and the present trend of legislatures, much as some history of the people of England might broadly state the economic facts and laws of the Corn-law period in England. Racial legislation may, of course, be considered from the point of view of the negro, the Indian, and the alien, and indeed it differs much in all three. Other personal legislation is largely concerned with the right to exercise trade, already discussed, and the questions of marriage and divorce we reserve for the next chapter. In the past we have been very unjust, not to say cruel, to the Indian, and though naturally in some respects a high-natured race, have constantly denied him any political share in the government, and only in the very last few years grudgingly extended it to such Indians as renounce their tribe and adopt the habits and mode of life of the white man, or, as in early England, to such freeholders as acquire a quarter section of land. In the negro"s case, however, we atoned for the early crime of enslavement by the sentimental hurry with which we endeavored in the "60"s and "70"s of the last century to take him up by law and force him into exact equality, social as well as political, with the white man. To aliens, in the third hand, we have been consistently generous, having shown only in the very last few years any attempt whatever to exclude the most worthless or undesirable; except that the prejudice against the Mongolian in the far West is quite as bitter as it ever was against the negro in the South, and he is still sternly refused citizenship, even national citizenship, which we freely extend to the African. We are thus left in the ridiculous situation of providing that n.o.body may be a citizen of our great Republic except a white Caucasian and a black African, with considerable ambiguity still as to what the word "white" means. The American Indians are, indeed, admitted under the conditions before mentioned, so that as a catch-word the reader may remember that we are a red, white, and black country, but not a brown or yellow one. All this is, of course, the accident of history; but the accidents of history are its most important incidents.
Taking Asiatic races first, the far Western States vie with each other in pa.s.sing legislation which shall deny them the right to life, or at least to live upon any equality of compet.i.tion with the white. Most of such laws are, of course, unconst.i.tutional, but they were at one time enacted with more rapidity than the Supreme Court of the United States could declare them so. Congress tries to be more reasonable and, indeed, has to be so, in view of the fact that it is a national Congress living, with the executive, in direct touch with the foreign nations themselves. Broadly speaking, our national legislation is to exclude immigration, but guarantee equality of property right, at least, to such Mongolian aliens as are actually in the country; and to extend or guarantee such right of treatment by treaties, which treaties are, of course, acts of Congress, like any other act of Congress, entirely valid in favor of the foreign power and enforceable by it even to the issue of war, but possibly, as a const.i.tutional question, not enforceable by the Federal government against the States. An endless ma.s.s of legislation in California and other Western States has been devised, either openly against the Chinese or so couched as to really exclude them from the ordinary civic liberties, and most of our State laws or courts declare that the j.a.panese are Mongolian although that people deny it. Many statutes, moreover, are aimed at Asiatics in general; which would possibly include the Hindoos, who are of exactly the same race as ourselves. Indeed, some judges have excluded Hindoos from naturalization, or persons of Spanish descent, while admitting negroes, which is like excluding your immediate ancestors in favor of your more remote Darwinian ones.
Even in New York and other Eastern States, the employment of aliens, particularly Asiatics, is forbidden in all public work--which laws may be invalid as against a Federal treaty. Yet statutes against the employment of any but citizens of the United States in public works are growing more frequent than ever, and seem to me quite within the rights of the State itself to determine. But Pennsylvania could not impose a tax of three cents per day upon all alien laborers, to be paid by the employer. Many States are beginning to provide against the ownership of land by aliens. This, of course, is perfectly const.i.tutional and has full justification in the history and precedent of most other countries, and as applied to foreign corporations it is still more justifiable; and the Western States very generally provide against the ownership of land, other than such as may be taken on mortgage, by foreign corporations, or corporations even of which a large proportion of the stock is held by foreigners.
Racial legislation as to negroes may be divided into laws bearing on their legal, political, and social rights, including, in the latter, contracts of labor and of marriage. By the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, all adopted within ten years after the war, we endeavored to put the negro in a legal, a political, and a social equality with whites in every particular. A broad statement, sufficiently correct for the general reader, may be made that only the legal part has succeeded or has lasted. That legislation which is aimed at social equality, all of it Federal legislation, has generally proved unconst.i.tutional, and that part which has been aimed at political equality has, for one reason or another, been inefficient.
Moreover, the great attempt in the Fourteenth Amendment to place the ordinary social, civil, and political rights of the negro, and necessarily, therefore, of every one else, under the _aegis_ of the Federal government, Federal courts, and Federal legislation, has been nullified; first, by court decision, and later, if we may trust the signs of the times, by contemporary public opinion. The only thing that remains is that the States cannot make laws which, on their face, are discriminations against the negro, or in social matters against any other race; and in political matters, the Fifteenth Amendment has proved effective to render null State laws which on their face are designed to restrict or deny their equal right of suffrage.
Legislation concerning labor, the industrial condition, and contract rights of the negro, such as the peonage laws, we have considered in an earlier chapter; both State and national laws exist, and the Thirteenth Amendment, being self-executing, has proved effective.
Under the Fifteenth Amendment there is little political legislation, except the effort in Southern States by educational or property qualifications, and most questionably by the so-called "grandfather clause," to exclude most negroes from the right of suffrage. Laws imposing property and educational qualifications are, of course, valid, although designed to have the effect of excluding a large proportion of the negroes from voting; laws, on the other hand, which give a permanent right of suffrage to the descendants of a certain cla.s.s, as of those voters, all white, who were ent.i.tled to vote in Southern States in the year 1861, are probably unconst.i.tutional as establishing an hereditary privileged cla.s.s, though there has as yet been no square decision on this point by the Supreme Court of the United States. But as there is no further legislation on these subjects, to pursue the matter further would carry us into const.i.tutional law.
In the third field, that of social legislation, there has been a vast number of laws, first by Congress with the intention, under the Fourteenth Amendment, of enforcing social and industrial equality and providing Federal machinery for securing it (the great substance of this has been held unconst.i.tutional and has pa.s.sed away); later by the States, usually the Southern States, with the exactly opposite purpose of separating the races, at least in social matters, and of subjecting them to a stricter law of labor contract than has, in our country at least, been imposed upon other citizens.
Even this matter of social legislation, which alone remains to be discussed in this book, is quite too vast for more than a brief sketch. Among the many monographs on the subject may be mentioned the article of G.T. Stevenson on the "Separation of the Races in Public Conveyances."[1] Even this comparatively narrow matter is by no means exhausted in an article covering twenty pages. Much of the social separation of the races is, of course, brought about without statute law, but by custom, or even we may say customary law, which is always apt to be the better enforced; and under the civil rights decisions of the United States Supreme Court in 1883, such customary law has been rendered immune from Federal control. Legislation now exists in all Southern States as to separate, though equal, accommodations in public conveyances; at one time such statutes were restricted to interstate commerce, but the present tendency of court decision appears to be to recognize even their interference with interstate commerce as part of the reasonable State police jurisdiction. Such statutes apply generally to railroads, steamboats, and street cars, or other conveyances of transportation. They are not so usual as to hotels, eating-houses, theatres, or other public places, probably because in such it is more easy to secure the desired segregation without legislation. We may, therefore, conclude that legislation on this point will be universal in the South and in Oklahoma or other border States with Southern sympathies, and will not be declared unconst.i.tutional by the courts.
[Footnote 1: _American Political Science Review_, vol. III, No. 2, 1909.]
The labor unions very generally exclude negroes, both in the South and North, and in many Southern States the whites refuse to work with negroes in mills. Until and unless labor unions are chartered or incorporated under legislation forbidding such action, it is probable that their by-laws excluding negroes, though possibly unreasonable at the common law, could not be reached by the Fourteenth Amendment; and public sentiment in the States where such by-laws are common would probably prevent any permanent vindication of the right of the negro to join labor unions by State courts. That is to say, countervailing legislation would promptly be adopted.
Coming to education, the same principle seems to be established, that if the facilities are equal the education may be separate for the different races, just as it may be for the different s.e.xes; and it would even appear that when the appropriation is not adequate for giving higher or special education to both races, particularly when there are few negroes applying for it, high-schools or special schools may be established for whites alone.
Coming to the matter of s.e.xual relation, a different principle applies. Under their unquestioned power of defining crimes, their police power in criminal and sanitary matters, the States may forbid or make criminal miscegenation. Cohabitation without marriage may, of course, be forbidden to all cla.s.ses, and in the case of cohabitation between white and black the penalty may be made more severe, for it has been held that as both parties to the offence are punished equally, there is, under such statutes, no denial of the equal protection of the law. _A fortiori_, marriage may be forbidden or declared null between persons of different race, and the tendency so to do is increasing very decidedly in the South, and is certainly not decreasing in the North. Indeed, const.i.tutional amendments are being adopted and proposed having this in view, "the purity of the race."
Recent plays and magazine articles, with which most of our readers will be familiar, sufficiently bear out this point.
In property rights, however, I can find no legislation which discriminates against the negro, and there is some in his favor. With the exception of the labor or peonage laws, discussed separately, I have found no legislation which limits his property or contract rights. On the other hand, there is, in the several States, legislation requiring that he shall be given life or health insurance policies on the same terms and conditions as are applied to whites, despite the alleged fact that his expectation of life is less and not so easy to determine, owing to the lack of information as to the health and longevity of his forebears. Sketching first thus our general conclusions it remains for us only to give a few concrete examples drawn from the legislation of the last twenty years:
In 1890, soon after the civil-rights cases were decided, we find some State legislation to protect the negro in his civil rights; but the first "Jim Crow" laws, providing for separation in public conveyances, etc., began in 1865 and 1866 in Florida, Mississippi, and Texas, and are continued in other States in this year. In 1892 there are laws for separate refreshment rooms and bath-houses, and providing that negroes and whites shall not be chained together in jails. In 1893 there is legislation for separate barber shops, and the first law requiring equal treatment by life-insurance companies is pa.s.sed in Ma.s.sachusetts. In 1895 there is legislation against the mixture of races in schools. In 1898 the laws and const.i.tutional provisions for practical negro disfranchis.e.m.e.nt begin in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. On the other hand, in 1900, New York pa.s.ses a statute that there shall be no separate negro schools, and in 1901 Illinois adopts civil-rights laws, followed in 1905 by five other States. In 1907 South Carolina makes it a misdemeanor to serve meals at station eating-houses to whites and blacks in the same room. In 1908 Maryland and Oklahoma provide for separate cars and separate rooms. In 1894 we find nine States prohibiting miscegenation. In 1902 Florida makes miscegenation a felony, and in 1908 Louisiana declares concubinage between a Caucasian and a negro to be also a felony, while Oklahoma adopts the miscegenation law.
These examples of legislation are not intended to be exhaustive, but will serve to give the reader a general Idea of the trend of popular law-making in this important matter.
Personal privilege, depending not upon race, but upon legislation, or inheritance, is, of course, strictly forbidden in each State by both const.i.tutions, State and Federal. The growth of a contrary principle is only noteworthy on the two lines touching respectively the whites in the South and veterans of wars in the North. It must be said that legislation in the interest of the Grand Army of the Republic, and even of the veterans of the Spanish War, and even in some States of the sons or descendants of such veterans respectively, has come very near the point of hereditary or social privilege. The struggles of so-called "Organized Labor" to establish a privileged caste have so far been generally unsuccessful, always so in the courts, and usually so in the legislatures; but in many States those who have enlisted in either wars, Civil or Spanish, wholly irrespective of actual service or injury, are ent.i.tled not only to pensions, Federal and State, but to a diversity of forms of State aid, to general preference in public employment, and even to special privilege or exemption from license taxes, etc., in private trades, and their children or descendants are, in many States, ent.i.tled to special educational privilege, to support in State schools or industrial colleges, to free text-books, and other advantages. Presumably some of these matters might be successfully contested in the courts, but they never have been. As to pensions, nothing here need be said. The reader will remember the familiar fact that our pensions in time of peace now cost more than the maintenance of the entire German army on a war footing or than the maintenance of our own army. The last pensioner of the Revolutionary War, which ended in 1781--that is to say, the last widow of a Revolutionary soldier--only died a few years ago, early in the twentieth century.
The Order of the Cincinnati, founded by Washington and Lafayette, was nevertheless a subject of jealous anxiety to our forefathers; but apparently the successful attempt of volunteers disbanded after the Civil and the Spanish Wars, although far more menacing because embodying social and political privilege, not a mere badge of honor, seems to call forth but little criticism.
XVII
s.e.x LEGISLATION, MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
The notion that a woman is in all respects a citizen, ent.i.tled to all rights, political as well as property and social, was definitely tested before our Supreme Court soon after the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment, on the plea that the wording of that amendment gave a renewed recognition to the doctrine that a woman was a person born or naturalized in the United States and therefore a citizen and ent.i.tled to the equal protection of the laws. The court substantially decided [1] that she was a citizen, was ent.i.tled to the equal protection of the laws, but not to political privileges or burdens any more than she was liable to military service. The State const.i.tutions of many States, among them Illinois, have provided that a woman is ent.i.tled to all ordinary rights of property and contract "the same as"
a man. Under this provision, when laws were pa.s.sed for the protection of women, forbidding them to work more than a certain number of hours per day, they were originally held unconst.i.tutional. The so-called women"s-rights people (one could wish that there were a better or more respectful word) seem themselves to be divided on this point. The more radical resent any enforced inequality, industrial or social, between the s.e.xes. For instance, many States have statutes forbidding women or girls to serve liquor in saloons or to wait upon table in restaurants where liquor is served. Such statutes, obviously moral, are nevertheless resented. On the other hand, the Supreme Court of the United States has taken the conservative view, that there is a difference both in physique and character between the s.e.xes, as well as different responsibilities and a different social interest, so that it is still possible, as It has been possible in the past, to impose by law special restrictions on the contracts of women. The law of Oregon, therefore, not permitting them to make personal contract for more than eight hours per day was sustained both in the State and the Federal Supreme Courts; and a similar law by the highest court of Illinois, reversing its own prior decision.[2] This matter is of such interest and of such importance that it is frequently placed in State const.i.tutions, and it seems worth while to summarize their provisions.
The advanced position is now squarely put only in the const.i.tution of California, which provides that no person shall on account of s.e.x be disqualified from entering upon or pursuing any lawful business, vocation, or profession. Such a const.i.tution as this would, of course, make it impossible even to pa.s.s such laws as the ones just mentioned forbidding them to serve in restaurants, such employment being lawful as to men. But no other State follows that extreme provision, and, indeed, the clause in the const.i.tution of Illinois seems now to have been repealed.
[Footnote 1: Minor _v_. Happersett, 21 Wallace 166.]
[Footnote 2: See above, p. 227.]