Present Irish Questions.
by William O"Connor Morris.
Preface
I have written much on Ireland from early youth, especially in the _Edinburgh Review_ and the _Times_; and two works of mine, "Ireland, 1494-1868" published in "The Cambridge Historical Series," and "Ireland, 1798-1898," have been received with more than ordinary favour. I have ventured to think that the opinions of a veteran inquirer into Irish affairs, with respect to "Present Irish Questions" just now of much importance, and certain to be ere long fully discussed in Parliament and elsewhere, may be of some use to a younger generation, that will have to examine and must be affected by them. I am not unaware of the cynical remarks of Swift on the disregard shown to authors who may be said to have had their day; and I do not pretend that, in the instance of myself, "old experience" has given something of a "prophetic strain" to what is contained in this volume. But I can say, with truth, that few living men have had such opportunities as have fallen to my lot, during a long series of years, to understand Ireland in its different parts, and the feelings and sentiments of the Irish community; to form sound and moderate views on the many and perplexing phenomena called "Irish Questions;" to deal reasonably with Irish political and social problems, free from the influences of party prejudice and pa.s.sion; in short, to do my subject complete and impartial justice. How the accidents and a.s.sociations of a life already protracted beyond the ordinary span, have, as I hope, given me these qualifications, I have explained at some length in my "Ireland, 1798-1898;" I shall not repeat what I have already written. But Ireland has constantly been uppermost in my thoughts; and as regards the conclusions I have come to in these pages, I may say, with the Roman historian, "haec senectuti seposui."
The examination of "Present Irish Questions," in this work, shows the views I entertain with regard to the actual condition of Ireland in its various aspects, and to her probable future destinies. These views may be censured as too gloomy, and even paradoxical; but Ireland remains, as she was when Macaulay wrote of her, "A member indeed of the Empire, but a withered and distorted member;" the revolution which has pa.s.sed, nay, is still pa.s.sing, over her, has destroyed a great deal that ought to have been preserved, and has put little that is solid and stable in its place; there is much that is threatening and even dangerous in her political and social order, and in the sentiments of the ma.s.s of her community. In the case of Ireland, indeed, as in that of any other people, I have faith in the effect of salutary legislation on wise and just principles, and of consistent good government steadily carried out, of both of which there has been but too little evidence, during the last twenty years, in Irish affairs; above all, my trust is large in the healing influences of Time.
But I have not forgotten that the vision of "Pacata Hibernia," which flitted even before the majestic understanding of Bacon, three centuries ago, has not been realised; the thoughtless optimism, which, during the last two generations, has represented Ireland to be in a state of continual "progress," nay, as "contented and happy," whenever she has not been convulsed by disorder and trouble, or racked by poverty and distress, has been completely falsified; and with nations, as with individuals, the profound remark of Butler is true; a life of repentance often fails to redeem the errors of the past. I proceed to indicate some at least of the authorities which relate to the different parts of my subject. The material condition of Ireland of late years may, perhaps, be best ascertained by studying, over some length of time, the large body of statistics compiled by the Government, and contained in that valuable publication, "Thom"s Directory," and by a perusal of the Irish debates in Hansard. Reference, too, should be made to the important papers of Mr.
Childers, of Lord Farrer, and of Mr. s.e.xton in the Report of the Childers Commission, and especially to the evidence of Sir Robert Giffen, and even of Sir Edward Hamilton, in the Blue Books appended to that inquiry.
"England"s Wealth, Ireland"s Poverty," by Thomas Lough, M.P., though a one-sided book, also deserves attention; and useful information may be obtained from "The Five Years in Ireland, 1895-1900," of Mr. Michael J. F.
McCarthy, too much a eulogy, however, of things as they are, and marked by a spirit of aversion to, and distrust of, the Irish priesthood, which are a characteristic of a small section of the Irish Catholics.
The sources of our knowledge respecting the moral, social, and political state of Ireland are numerous and ample; I shall confine myself, as much as I can, to those which relate to what may be called her recent revolutionary period, though Irish history in the past, even in the distant past, is anything but an "old almanack." This ma.s.s of evidence faithfully represents the disturbances and the troubles that have prevailed in Ireland, with intervals of time between, during the last twenty years and upwards, and the fierce animosities and conflicts which have been the consequence. Here a reader should again consult Hansard, notably the debates on Ireland, during the agitated period from 1880 to 1889; of course he should only study the great speeches. The publications on this subject are very many, and some of real importance; as regards the policy and conduct of the Land, and even of the National Leagues, and the frightful outbreak of disorder and crime which was the result, nothing is equal in value to the Report of the Judges of the "Special Commission,"
and to the immense body of evidence brought before them; "The Verdict," by Professor Dicey, sums up well the conclusions at which they arrived. The utterances of the so-called Irish "Nationalist" Press, throughout these years, fully verify the facts disclosed in the Report, and its findings; they have, indeed, been continued in a less ferocious and violent, but in a significant, strain ever since; a collection of them will be found in the volumes published by the Irish Unionist Alliance. On this subject, and also on the state of opinion existing among a large majority, probably, of the Irish people, see "The Continuity of the Irish Revolutionary Movement," by Professor Brougham Leech; "The Truth about the Land League,"
by Mr. Arnold Foster, M.P.; "Parnellism and Crime," republished from the _Times_; "Incipient Irish Revolution," anonymous but able; some valuable articles on Ireland by the late Lord Grey that appeared in the _Nineteenth Century_; "Disturbed Ireland," by Mr. T. W. Russell, M.P.; "The Plan of Campaign Ill.u.s.trated;" and "About Ireland," by Mrs. E. Lynn Lynton. The recent revolutionary and agrarian movements in Ireland have not found many to vindicate them, or even fully to explain their causes; but reference may be made to "The Parnell Movement," by T. P. O"Connor, M.P.; to the "New Ireland" of Mr. A. M. Sullivan; to Mr. Barry O"Brien"s "Irish Wrongs and English Remedies;" and to a series of articles called "Ungrateful Ireland," in the _Nineteenth Century_, from the pen of Sir G. Duffy. A host of papers in quarterly, monthly, and other reviews and magazines on the political and social condition of Ireland of late years has, also, been published from time to time. Attempts have been made, quite recently, to show that the troubles of Ireland have become things of the past, and that she is a prosperous and happy land; but though real improvement has certainly taken place, these are mere repet.i.tions of the optimistic fancies that have so often proved delusions.
The great question of Home Rule, "present" if for a time postponed, was first put forward formally by the late Isaac b.u.t.t. His "Irish Federalism"
is a thoughtful and able treatise that ought to be studied. The speeches in Parliament, from 1874 to 1885, on this subject, collected in Hansard, deserve attention; notably the violent attacks on this policy made during many years by Mr. Gladstone. Hansard, too, should be perused, after that statesman became a convert to Home Rule, for the speeches on both sides, on the Home Rule Bills of 1886 and 1893; some are of marked power and insight, though few rise to the heights of great const.i.tutional principles. Mr. Gladstone"s defence of his sudden change of front will be found in his "History of an Idea," a tract published soon after his defeat at the polls in 1886; he has endeavoured to vindicate his later Irish policy, in many pamphlets and speeches, in volumes collected by himself.
For a masterly examination of his public conduct on matters relating to Ireland, and in some other pa.s.sages in his career, I would especially direct the reader to the "Memoirs of the late Lord Selborne," part ii.
vol. ii. pp. 339-360; Mr. Lecky"s brilliant sketch in his "Democracy and Liberty," Cabinet Edition, Introduction, pp. 19-56, is a composition of rare excellence. Nothing is to be compared to Professor Dicey"s "England"s Case against Home Rule," and his "Leap in the Dark," for a thorough investigation, from the Unionist point of view, of the natural and the probable consequences of the Gladstonian Irish policy, and for an a.n.a.lysis of the two Home Rule Bills; few political works have attracted equal attention. There have also been many publications, on the side of the Union, of more or less merit; see "Home Rule," reprinted from the _Times_, containing several very able letters and papers; "The Truth about Home Rule;" "A Sketch of Unionist Policy;" and a number of articles in the _Edinburgh_ and the _Quarterly Review_, and in other reviews and magazines. The publications which advocate Home Rule have not been numerous; a reader may consult the "Hand Book of Home Rule," edited by Mr.
Bryce, M.P.; "Irish Members and English Gaolers," and "Combination and Coercion," by Mr. Shaw-Lefevre; and some contributions to a few reviews and other serials.
The "Present Question" of the Irish land, and of Irish landed relations, goes back to even remote antiquity, and is connected with the whole course of Irish history. The characteristics and peculiarities of tribal land tenure in Ireland, before the Anglo-Norman Conquest, have been admirably explained in Sir Henry Maine"s "Early History of Inst.i.tutions," a very valuable work. I may refer to an article on this book, from my pen, in the _Edinburgh Review_ of July, 1875. See, also, the "Senchus Mor," and the "Book of Aicile," fragments of the Brehon Laws, well annotated by the late Professor Richey. The state of the Irish land, from the Anglo-Norman Conquest to the beginning of the Tudor period, has been fully ill.u.s.trated in the "Statute of Kilkenny," edited by James Hardiman, whose learned commentary is useful and important; in the "Discovery" of Sir John Davies; in Spenser"s "View of the State of Ireland;" in the "O"Conors of Connaught," by the O"Conor Don; in Hallam"s "Const.i.tutional History," vol.
iii. chapter on Ireland; and in Professor Richey"s "Lectures." I have glanced at the state of Irish land tenure during the tribal and the feudal ages, in the introductory chapters to my "Ireland, 1494-1868," in the "Cambridge Historical Series." The most complete account, perhaps, of the confiscations of the Irish land, from the reign of Henry VIII. to that of Charles I., will be found in the "Carew Papers," edited by J. S. Brewer and William Bullen; valuable information abounds in the "State Papers relating to the reign of Henry VIII.," edited by Hans Claude Hamilton; in "The Life of Sir John Perrott and his Letters;" in the "Earls of Kildare,"
edited by the Marquis of Kildare; in the "State Papers," edited by Hamilton, _ante_, "relating to the reigns of Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth;" in the "Annals of the Four Masters;" and see Davies and Spenser, _ante_. Several modern writers have treated this subject in their narratives of Irish history; Froude"s "History of England," vol. ii. ch.
viii.; vol. iv. ch. xix.; vol. v. ch. xxviii.; vol. viii. chs. vii.-xi.; vol. x. ch. xxiv.; vol. xi. ch. xxvii., may be consulted; but a reader should be put on his guard against the brilliant but partisan historian.
There is a valuable chapter also, in a very different work, Mr. Lecky"s "History of England in the Eighteenth Century," vol. ii. ch. vi. pp. 92 _seqq._; and a great deal may be learned from the "O"Conors of Connaught,"
and Richey"s "Lectures," _ante_; and especially from an "Historical Account of the Plantation of Ulster," by the Rev. George Hill, and from Sigerson"s "History of Irish Land Tenure." In the momentous period of confiscation, from the beginning of the reign of Charles I. to that of William III., a reader should study "Strafford"s Letters;" Carte"s "Life of Ormond;" Lord Clanricarde"s "Memoirs;" the "Letters of Cromwell,"
edited by Carlyle; the "Acts of Settlement and Explanation;" the "Articles of the Treaty of Limerick;" Sir William Petty"s "Political Anatomy of Ireland;" "Macariae Excidium;" and the Abbe MacGeoghegan"s "History of Ireland." The modern authorities on this period are numerous and some of great value; see Gardiner"s "History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate"
(the Irish chapters), notably vol. iii. ch. xliv.; "The Cromwellian Settlement of Ireland," by John P. Prendergast; "The Life of Sir William Petty," by Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice, with an article by me in the _Edinburgh Review_ of July, 1895; "The Patriot Parliament," by Thomas Davis; Macaulay"s "History of England" (the Irish chapters), vol. iv. ch.
xxii.; vol. v. ch. xiv.-xvi.; vol. vi. ch. xvii.; and Mr. Lecky"s "History," _ante_, vol. ii. ch. ix. Many instructive and philosophic pa.s.sages on all these confiscations and their results, will be found scattered among the writings of Burke; they are admirable.
The era of violent confiscation closed with the reign of William III.; the modern history of the Irish land system begins from this period. For an account of the penal code, as it affected Irish landed relations, reference may be made to Vincent Scully, "On the Penal Laws;" to Howard"s "Popery Cases;" and especially to Burke"s "Tracts on the Popery Laws."
Much, too, can be gathered from Curry"s "State of the Irish Catholics;"
from Primate Boulter"s and Archbishop Synge"s "Letters;" from the writings on Ireland of Swift and Berkeley; and from various pa.s.sages in the "Works and Correspondence of Burke." For the state of the Irish land from the beginning of the reign of George III. to the Rebellion of 1798, study the celebrated "Tour" of Arthur Young, written in 1776-78; Crumpe"s "Essay;"
an admirable sketch by Mr. Lecky in his "History," _ante_, vol. vii. ch.
xxvii.; and Sir George Lewis on "Irish Disturbances," a book which gives an account of the rise and progress of the Whiteboy movement, and carries the narrative down to 1836. Froude has ill.u.s.trated this subject very skilfully in his "Two Chiefs of Dunboy;" but his account, in his "The English in Ireland," is very inaccurate and one-sided. The nature of Irish landed relations during the troubled period before the Union is fully explained in many pa.s.sages of Mr. Lecky"s "History," _ante_, vols. vii.
and viii.; and the reader should peruse Lord Clare"s speech in the Irish House of Lords during the debates on the Union. From the Union to the present time, the authorities on the Irish land system are very numerous; it is not easy to make compendious selection. For the period of the Great War, Edward Wakefield"s "Account of Ireland" is valuable, and so is, for the immediately subsequent period, the evidence on the state of Ireland taken by a Committee of the House of Commons in 1825. The nature and the characteristics of the Irish land system, in 1843-44, are fully explained and commented upon in the well-known Report of the Devon Commission, and the voluminous evidence; and for the revolution wrought in the Irish land by the Famine of 1845-47, see the "Irish Crisis," by Sir Charles Trevelyan, republished from the _Edinburgh Review_; and a "History of the Great Irish Famine," by the Rev. John O"Rorke. Much information, too, on the subject, as a whole, may be obtained from "L"Irlande, Sociale, Politique, et Religieuse," of Gustave de Beaumont; from "Ireland from the Treaty of Limerick to 1851," by John Mitch.e.l.l; from parts of "Two Centuries of Irish History," edited by James Bryce, M.P.; from several "Reports" of the Loyal National Repeal a.s.sociation; and from parts of Mr.
Barry O"Brien"s "Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland," and "Irish Wrongs and English Remedies."
The Irish land question has given birth to a literature of its own in the last half-century; legislation on the Irish land system has been extraordinarily active. With respect to the first, reference may be made to "Two Centuries of Irish History," _ante_, and to Mr. Barry O"Brien"s works, _ante_; to "Emigration and the Tenure of Irish Land," by Lord Dufferin; to John Stuart Mill"s "The Irish Land Question;" to "The Irish People and the Irish Land," by b.u.t.t; to Sir George Campbell"s "The Irish Land," a very good little book; to Judge Longfield"s essay on the Irish land in "Systems of Land Tenure;" and to my own "Letters on the Land Question of Ireland," republished from the _Times_. I am happy to think that, on this subject, I have always "pitched my Whiggery low;" my first essay was on the Enc.u.mbered Estates Act; when fresh from Oxford I condemned that scheme of confiscation as unequivocally as, in the present and other works, I have condemned Irish agrarian legislation since 1880-81. Other books contain pa.s.sages on the Irish land system that may be read with profit; see the "Recollections and Suggestions" of Earl Russell; "Ireland in 1868," by Gerald Fitzgibbon; "Ireland," by Lord Grey; "Journals, Conversations, and Essays relating to Ireland," by Na.s.sau Senior; and "New Views on Ireland," by Lord Russell of Killowen. As regards recent legislation on the Irish Land, from 1870 to 1896, the Acts pa.s.sed by Parliament must of course be studied, and also the important debates reported in Hansard. b.u.t.t wrote a very able volume on the Land Act of 1870; I contributed a short treatise; an exhaustive and technical work of great value, on all the Irish Land Acts, has been produced by Messrs.
Cherry and Wakely; this, with the Irish Reports, supplies ample professional, and even general, information. With respect to the administration of the Irish Land Acts, see the Report of the Committee of the House of Lords, and the evidence published in 1872; the Report of, and the evidence collected by, the Bessborough Commission of 1880-81; the Report of a Committee of the House of Lords on the working of the Land Act of 1881, published, with the evidence, in 1882; the Report, with the evidence, of the Cowper Commission, 1888-89; the Report, with the evidence, of the Morley Commission, 1894-1895; and, especially, the Report of Sir Edward Fry"s Commission of 1897, with the important evidence it has put together. Mr. Lecky, in his "Democracy and Liberty," vol. i. ch. ii., has criticised, almost as severely as I have done, recent Irish agrarian legislation; no serious defence of it has ever been made or attempted.
To understand the real state of the financial relations between Great Britain and Ireland, it is necessary to go back to the times of the Union; those who resist the Irish demand avoid an appeal to history. The debates in the Irish Parliament in 1800 should be carefully studied, especially the speeches of Castlereagh, Grattan, and Foster. The Seventh Article of the Treaty of Union, set forth in this work, should also be diligently scanned and perused. See, too, the debates in the Imperial Parliament in 1816; the resolutions pa.s.sed by the House of Commons in that year; and the Act abolishing the separate Exchequer of Ireland. Reference, moreover, should be made to the evidence taken before General Dunne"s Committee in 1864, in which sophistry triumphed for the moment over truth. All these sources of information, however, are scanty and imperfect compared to the celebrated Report of the Childers Commission, with the valuable evidence annexed to it; this for the first time completely brings out the whole facts on the subject. The debates in Hansard on the financial claims of Ireland may also be looked at; but they are not of peculiar importance; the same remark applies to nearly all the articles in reviews, magazines, and journals, in which endeavours have been made to answer the Report. I may be allowed to say that I have some claim to have a distinct opinion in this matter; when still quite a boy I often heard my grand-uncle, the late Sir John Newport, one of the ablest and last of the Chancellors of the Irish Exchequer, condemn the financial treatment of Ireland from 1800 onwards; many years afterwards I was intimately acquainted with several of the independent Irish gentlemen, survivors of the great school of Grattan, who protested against Mr. Gladstone"s fiscal Irish measures from 1853 to a later date; b.u.t.t and Judge Longfield, both very able economists, fully concurred. With respect to local government and administration in Ireland, see Mr. Barry O"Brien"s "Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland," vol. i.
books iv. and v.; the Report of the Commissioners on Irish Corporate Reform issued in 1833-34, and the Irish Munic.i.p.al Corporation Reform Act of 1840; the Irish Towns Commissioners Acts; a report made by Mr. W. P.
O"Brien in 1878; a good treatise by Mr. Bailey published in 1888; and the recent Irish Local Government Act of 1898, with the debates in Hansard on this measure, should be perused. The authorities on Irish education of all kinds are numerous, and some valuable. Froude has glanced at the subject, with characteristic unfairness, in his "The English in Ireland;" the refutation of Mr. Lecky, in his "England in the Eighteenth Century," is complete. A good description of education in Ireland, in all its branches, as it existed in 1812, will be found in Edward Wakefield"s "Account of Ireland," vol. ii. ch. xxiv.; another in Mr. Barry O"Brien"s "Fifty Years of Concessions to Ireland," vol. i. book i.; vol ii. book x.; the author brings the narrative down to 1881. As regards high education in Ireland, reference may be made to "The History of the University of Dublin," by the Rev. W. Stubbs; to "The Const.i.tutional History of the University of Dublin," by D. C. Heron; to the Report of Archbishop Whateley"s Commission, in 1853, on the University of Dublin; to Mr. Gladstone"s Irish University Bill of 1873, and the able debates on the subject in Trinity College and the House of Commons; to Mr. Fawcett"s Act of 1873; to a masterly pamphlet by b.u.t.t, on the whole question, published in 1875; and to the "Irish University Question," by Archbishop Walsh, with recent debates in Parliament on Irish University reform. For the nature, const.i.tution, and working of the Queen"s Colleges and the Queen"s University, see the debates in Parliament when Peel introduced this policy; many Reports; the work of Archbishop Walsh, _ante_; and the Act creating the Royal University in Ireland may be examined. As regards primary and secondary education in Ireland, see the Reports of the Education Commissioners from 1810 to 1825; the Reports of the National Education Board; the Reports of the Kildare, Rosse, and Powis Commissions, noticed in this work; and Mr. G.o.dkin"s "Education in Ireland." An excellent synopsis of the subject, as a whole, will be found in "The Educational Systems of Great Britain and Ireland," by Mr. Graham Balfour.
WILLIAM O"CONNOR MORRIS.
GARTNAMONA, TULLAMORE, _14th May, 1901_.
CHAPTER I
IRELAND IN 1901
Ireland has pa.s.sed through a revolution in the Victorian age--Material progress--Dublin--Belfast--Improvement in Catholic places of worship and in the habitations of the people--State of the Irish community--Symptoms of retrogression--Decline of agriculture--The progress of Ireland much less than that of England and Scotland, and why--State of the Irish land system--Recent legislation has done some good, but it has been unjust, and has had pernicious effects--Ireland divided into three peoples--Notwithstanding great reforms Catholic Ireland is still, in the main, disaffected--Presbyterian Ireland--Cry for the confiscation of the Irish land--Protestant Ireland--Fall of its old ascendency--Discontent among the landed gentry--Nature of the government of Ireland by the Imperial Parliament--Its merits and defects--Att.i.tude of the greater part of Ireland towards it--The administration of Irish affairs--The bureaucracy of the Castle--The Anglican, Presbyterian, and Catholic Irish Churches--The administration of justice in Ireland--Irish literature and public opinion--General survey of the present state of Ireland--Irish policy of Lord Salisbury"s ministry--"Present Irish Questions" to be discussed in this work.
To understand thoroughly the Ireland of the present day, it is necessary to have studied her history in the past. Nevertheless, if we go back to a comparatively recent period, say to the beginning of the reign of Victoria, we can obtain a reasonably clear idea of her existing condition. A revolution has pa.s.sed over her in this s.p.a.ce of time almost as complete as the revolution which has transformed France; the results have not yet been fully developed, but in nearly all respects they have been immense. The community has, for the most part, made material progress; but this has been far from great or decisive; it has been interrupted by seasons of distress, one culminating in a dire catastrophe, and has been r.e.t.a.r.ded by many causes of trouble. Taking the external aspect of Ireland first, Dublin has certainly advanced in the last sixty years; the capital has been surrounded by fine and increasing suburbs; the squares, the streets, the shops have improved; above all, though much remains yet to be done, the contrast between the dwellings of the rich and the poor is much less painful than it was within living memory. No city, however, has made such progress as Belfast: its population, which, in 1841, was not more than 75,000 souls, was, in 1891, upwards of 255,000;[1]
its opulence has probably grown tenfold; it is the centre of the great manufacture of Ulster; its building-yards are renowned for its magnificent ships; its estuary is crowded with the thronging fleets of commerce. The towns dependent on it, too, and the whole adjoining region, are flourishing from the great trade in linen, which has been aggregated within a comparatively small s.p.a.ce; indeed, this prosperity has extended over all the north-east of Ireland, and Londonderry has long been a thriving seaport. Few of the towns of the rest of Ulster and of the southern provinces have improved; but signs of augmented wealth appear in other directions; in this respect they are striking in the extreme. The places of worship and the religious houses of the Catholic Church of Ireland have been transformed; the mean "chapels" of the past have largely disappeared; most parishes have a suitable church; fine cathedrals dominate many towns; we often admire monasteries and convents in architectural splendour. The most remarkable phenomenon, however, of this description is the great and fortunate change which has taken place in the habitations of the community throughout the country. The dense and wretched hovels which, sixty years ago, barely sheltered the millions of Irish indigence, if still too frequent, have been, for the most part, effaced; the houses of the better cla.s.s have greatly increased in numbers, though the population has enormously declined.[2] And the face of the landscape in most counties bears witness, on the whole, to a still perceptible progress. The chief industry of Ireland, indeed, as I shall show afterwards, has certainly retrograded within the last twenty years; her agricultural area and resources have much diminished. The advance, too, which, from about 1853 to 1876, was manifest and rapid in most of her rural districts, has been, to a considerable extent, checked; capital has, for some time, been avoiding her soil. But if the process was stern, nay, appalling, the land has, within the last half century, been thrown open to husbandry, infinitely better and more fruitful than had existed before; the exertions which were made, for a long s.p.a.ce of time, to improve cultivation have left far-spreading traces; we still behold the beneficent results. The land over the greater part of its surface is not "puckered up" in thousands of squalid patches, the holdings of ma.s.ses of cottar paupers; it has been made more available for real farming; and it has been largely drained, enclosed, and covered with woodland--at least, up to a recent period.
The material condition of the Irish community has, also, improved since the late Queen ascended the throne. This, no doubt, is to be largely ascribed to the effects of the great Famine of 1845-47, and of the immense emigration that followed in its train. The resources of Ireland, before that calamity, were unable to support, in anything like comfort, the teeming mult.i.tudes crowded on her soil; an official report, made in 1838, proved that two millions and a half of the poor in Ireland were for months in the year on the brink of starvation; this huge ma.s.s of indigence, which forced up rent, beat down wages, and was most injurious to good husbandry, was almost incompatible with real social progress. The great and continuing exodus of the Irish race, which has gone on for more than half a century, has not been without untoward results; but it has relieved the country from a destructive incubus; and this has certainly wrought a beneficent change, though the population has declined from about eight millions in 1837 to about four and a half millions in 1895.[3] Ireland, indeed, is still, mainly, a poor country--in some districts she is exceedingly poor; but the disappearance of overwhelmingly redundant millions has enabled her to maintain the millions that have remained much better than of old, and has distinctly raised the standard of living among all the humbler cla.s.ses. The wages of agricultural labour, seldom more than six or seven shillings a week before the Famine, and then paid in potatoes by a vile truck system, have risen to ten and even twelve shillings, usually paid in cash; and they have not fallen, though Irish agriculture is very far from prosperous. The wages of the higher kinds of labour have also greatly increased; this is apparent in nearly all trades, and is especially apparent in the trades of Ulster. At the same time, the potato has long ceased to be the sole food of the poor; their dwellings, though still too often mean and bad, are infinitely better than they once were; their attire, and even their appearance, has greatly improved. I do not think, indeed, that O"Connell"s description of the peasantry of Munster in 1825 could now be fairly applied to even the worst parts of Ireland, the impoverished tracts on the seacoast of Connaught: "They have no clothes to change, they have none but what they wear at the moment....
Their food consists of potatoes and water during the greater part of the year; potatoes and sour milk during another portion; they use some salt with their potatoes when they have nothing but water."[4] There is evidence, also, that, even of late years, the wealth of Ireland has, in some measure, increased, especially in the middle and lower middle cla.s.ses. The landed gentry, indeed, owing partly to the effects of Free Trade, and partly to those of legislation I shall describe afterwards, have been impoverished in many instances, and in many ruined; and the Irish tenant farmer, if gorged by the spoil of his landlord, has not gained all that an agrarian revolution was expected to give him. But the commerce of Ireland has made progress, within the last two decades, if this has not been by any means great; and though the capital she holds in the best securities has perceptibly diminished of late years, there has been a very large increase in most kinds of other investments.[5]
This picture of Ireland, however, has dark features; her welfare has been, at best, partial; considerable deductions must be made from it. The progress of the capital, as has been the case in London, is largely to be ascribed to the depletion of many country districts, a change that has been going on for a long period, and has been accelerated by the decline of the landed gentry in wealth. The enormous advance of Belfast, and of the adjoining neighbourhood, has been, to a great extent, caused by the concentration of the linen manufacture within a small area; the hand-loom has disappeared from Ireland; this has been injurious to many petty towns and villages. The population and the trade of nearly all the chief towns in the southern provinces have diminished; Cork, with its immense natural advantages, has not prospered; Limerick and, notably, Galway are in decay; most of the inland towns show few signs of improvement; the outskirts of almost all are defaced by lines of ruined hovels, the wrecks of abodes a dwindling tale of indwellers has left. Many of these urban centres were, sixty years ago, seats of manufactures and of other industries, which, to a certain extent, were flourishing; but these sources of wealth have, for the most part, been dried up; they have been blotted out by the gigantic manufactures of England and Scotland poured into Ireland, everywhere, within a few hours, by steam. The collapse, indeed, of Irish manufactures in the last half century has been striking and mournful; 696,000 persons were employed in textile and dyeing industries in 1841; in 1881 there were only 130,000; and though the growth of machinery may in part account for this difference, it a.s.suredly cannot fully explain it.[6] The same remark applies to Irish fishing industry; the small craft which once swarmed along the coast, and, rearing a breed of hardy mariners, gathered in the prolific harvests of the sea, have been vanishing year after year; in 1867, 9332 boats, and 38,444 men and boys were engaged in this calling; the numbers were 5646 and 21,940 in 1891.[7] Turning to the face of the country, agriculture, we have seen, has improved, if we look back to the period before the Famine; but it is still centuries behind that of England and Scotland, and of late years it has markedly declined. It is not only that the prices of agricultural produce are much less than they were, in the last generation, and that its total value has fallen from 97,885,000 in 1851-55, to 88,955,000 in 1889-93.[8] The agricultural area of Ireland has diminished from 1879 to 1899 by rather more than 400,000 acres;[9] and it is absolutely certain that within these decreasing limits, as I shall point out in subsequent chapters, agriculture has made little or no progress, and in some districts has distinctly become worse; we see the results of the vicious legislation of the last twenty years in deteriorated farms, in hundreds of cases, in a most injurious neglect of arterial drainage, and in the destruction of thousands of acres of woodland. And the ruin which has overtaken many of the landed gentry has been made only too manifest in the desolate aspect of scores of country seats, once happy homes, that now know their owners no more.
It must be borne in mind, too, as we examine the present state of Ireland, that if, on the whole, she has made some progress, she is still, as I have said, a poor country, and that a considerable part of Connaught, her western province, has, for years, been in so poor a condition, that the Government of late has laudably made a great effort to raise it out of the depths of indigence. Other considerations, moreover, must be taken into account, if we would form a just conclusion as to the material position of Ireland, and, especially, as to her material prospects. The reduction of her population, up to a certain point, was an essential condition of her social progress; but that limit appears to have been far surpa.s.sed; this continuous decline, during more than half a century, has become an ominous symptom. More than 3,700,000 of souls have emigrated from Ireland since 1851;[10] and this number does not include the ma.s.ses which fled from the catastrophe of 1845-47. This immense drain on the life of a nation has, for years, had a pernicious effect; in large parts of the country labourers have become so scarce that it is often difficult to save the harvest, which should be quickly gathered in, in a wet climate; and hands are wanting to industry in many places. Emigration, too, has taken away the best part of the people, men and women in the flower of existence; the reproductive power of the community has, accordingly, declined; the birth-rate of Ireland is less than it was; infirmity, disease, and, notably, insanity have increased; the population of the towns is seldom active and thriving.[11] At the same time, the taxation of Ireland has become many degrees more excessive in the last sixty years; the local rates have advanced from about 1,000,000 to nearly 4,000,000; the general taxation has been well-nigh doubled; and a tribunal of the very highest authority has recently declared that Ireland is immensely overtaxed, and has been for upwards of forty years. Nor can there be a real question but that large interests connected with the land have suffered greatly in the period that has now extended from 1878-79. It is unnecessary to refer to the condition of the landed gentry; I shall notice it at some length afterwards; but, much as the Irish people dislike the Poor-law, pauperism has distinctly increased during the last ten years, though the population has fallen off in numbers, and the charge of pauperism shows a corresponding increase.[12] The Income Tax returns, too, as regards the land, are of sinister omen; those under Schedule A have greatly diminished since 1890; and there is a considerable decline of property in the Funds.[13] As to the argument that the Tenant Right of the Irish farmer has risen in value, and that this proves Irish agriculture to be in a prosperous state, this is a complete, nay, a grotesque, fallacy.
The rise in the value of Tenant Right is simply one of the many signs that a huge confiscation has taken place in the Irish land.
If Ireland, therefore, has made material progress, this has been slow, partial, and with large drawbacks; such as it is, it must be mainly ascribed to the results of the Famine, which liberated the soil from a destructive burden. The whole country, it has truly been said, has still too much the look of a "great neglected estate," requiring development in most of its parts; large sections of the population are poor, feeble in health, and backward. Any advance, moreover, which Ireland has made in well being, since 1837-38, is as nothing compared with the extraordinary growth of the prosperity of England and Scotland, within the same period.
True-hearted Irishmen grieve as they pa.s.s from the lesser to the greater island, and contrast the husbandry of Galway and Mayo with that of the Lothians and Kent; as they gaze on the Shannon, with scarcely a sail on its waters, and the Clyde teeming with its fleets of commerce; above all, as they turn from the decaying towns of their own country to such centres of wealth and of gigantic trade, as some even of the provincial cities of Britain, not to speak of the mighty world of London. The causes, indeed, of this contrast may be easily found; the mineral resources of Ireland are scanty; her commerce and manufactures are small; she is essentially an agricultural land, which has lost much from the effects of Free Trade; she has suffered greatly from misgovernment, agitation, and social disorder; all this has kept her back in the national race. The mineral products, on the other hand, of England and Scotland are immense, and of the first importance in an age of invention; they have decisively contributed to the huge development of the opulence and the trade of Great Britain; the policy of Free Trade, carried out for years, has had marvellous results in the same direction; if British agriculture is not progressing, British commerce and manufactures are still supreme; and Great Britain has been for ages a law-abiding land, in which order has been happily combined with liberty. These considerations fully explain the wide and ever-increasing distinction between Ireland and England and Scotland, only too manifest; they have been amply verified by unerring statistics. Two figures may suffice for a general reader; the resources of Ireland were estimated, a few years ago, at a sum of about four hundred millions sterling, that of Great Britain at not less than ten thousand millions.[14]
The social structure of Ireland springs from the soil; it is most apparent in the relations that have been formed in the land. I shall dwell, at some length, in other chapters of this work, on the history and the characteristics of the Irish land system, and on the revolution through which it has pa.s.sed; I can here only briefly glance at the subject. That system, at the beginning of the late reign, still represented, in many respects, the features it had borne in the eighteenth century, though these had been, in a great degree, modified. The land, over four-fifths of its surface, was still in the ownership of a small cla.s.s of men, divided in race and faith from its occupants; the conquests and confiscations which had drawn deep lines of distinction between the Anglo-Protestant landlord and the Catholic and even the Presbyterian peasant, had still left their indelible traces, if these had been, to a considerable extent, effaced. Absenteeism had increased since the Union, though absentee estates were showing signs of improvement; middleman tenures, with their manifold and complex mischiefs, were disappearing, but were still numerous; various causes, to operate for many years, were diminishing the security of the peasants" tenure. The power of the dominant landlord cla.s.s was declining; it was being weakened by the Castle bureaucracy, and by the emanc.i.p.ation of Catholic Ireland; but it was still nearly supreme in landed relations; this cla.s.s was all but the absolute lords of the tillers of the soil. It is untrue that it was oppressive and unjust as a rule; but some of its members abused their excessive power; it had too much in common with an exclusive caste; and a whole train of economic causes were aggravating the evils of a land system from its origin placed on unsound foundations. Agriculture was advancing in not a few counties; many of the landed gentry were improving men, who were making a beginning in the scientific farming, which, before long, was to be more fully developed.
But the population, we have seen, had increased by millions Ireland could not support; over whole districts, especially in Munster and Connaught, the land had been split up into petty holdings, the seats of a huge mult.i.tude of human misery. Rents, therefore, were being unnaturally forced up, and the wages of labour unnaturally cut down; the land system was disorganised, and filled with dangerous elements. The worst vice of the system, however, has yet to be noticed; from different causes which I shall point out afterwards, the occupiers of the soil in Ireland had, as a general rule, made even the permanent improvements on their farms, and large sums had repeatedly been paid on the transfer of these; they had thus gradually acquired concurrent rights in the land, in tens of thousands of instances; and yet these were outside the pale of the law, and could be annihilated by eviction, or even the raising of rent. These rights had the support, in parts of Ulster, of a long-established custom, and were usually respected in the southern provinces; but they ought long before to have had full legal protection; and they were sometimes violated or disregarded by unscrupulous landlords. The results were seen in the White Boy and the agrarian disorders which had disturbed Ireland for more than a century, and even ran back to the confiscations of the past.
This land system, essentially bad as it was, marked by evil distinctions and pregnant with wrong, scarcely attracted the attention of British statesmen, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century. Peel was the first minister who, even dimly, perceived its vices; he appointed a Commission to report on the subject. The labours of this body were, in part, laudable; but the Commissioners, filled with prejudice as to the excellence of British land tenure, and without experience of that of Ireland, made a capital mistake in the suggestions they offered. Instead of recommending that the concurrent rights of the Irish tenant in the land, often equivalent to a real joint ownership, should receive, as was but just, the sanction of law, they proposed to restrict these in many ways; they put forward a plan of "compensation," as they called it, that was worse than useless. Legislation to this effect was withdrawn from Parliament; the terrible visitation of 1845-47 had ere long shattered the Irish land system, bringing ruin on hundreds of the landed gentry, making thousands of farmers of the better cla.s.ses bankrupt, forcing the petty holders of the land--the cottar population, as it was named--to fly from the country in despairing mult.i.tudes. The land was largely set free from a dense ma.s.s of wretchedness; it was the general belief of the public men of the day, that what was most required, at this conjuncture, was to attract men of capital to it to do it justice, and to get rid, as quickly as possible, of the large body of Irish landlords, who, even before deeply involved in debt, had been made hopelessly insolvent by recent events. The Enc.u.mbered Estates Act became law, with scarcely an opposing protest; it was to "regenerate Ireland," its authors proclaimed; its results were to develop a bad cla.s.s of landlords, to annihilate the rights of the Irish peasant wholesale, and to cause an iniquitous confiscation on an enormous scale. The Irish Land Question, as was the phrase, was now raised once more; in 1852 the occupiers of the Irish soil set on foot an agitation to vindicate their rights, destroyed or endangered by what had lately occurred; the Government of Lord Derby lent a favourable ear; but it was defeated in the House of Commons by intrigue; the land system remained in the state in which it had been left; no real attempt to improve it was made. A series of years followed in which Ireland made distinct progress, and her agriculture advanced; it became a fixed idea with British statesmen, that there was nothing radically bad in Irish land tenure, and that its defects would gradually disappear; the grievances of the Irish peasant were ignored; his claims to what was now known as his Tenant Right, urged feebly by his advocates, were voted down in Parliament; and a general belief prevailed that what Ireland most needed was a still further and steady removal of what was deemed "her surplus population" from her soil.
As has so often happened in the affairs of Ireland, her real condition at this period was not understood; and the reform in her land system, which had become essential, was indefinitely delayed with disastrous results.
Meanwhile, though things were serene on the surface, the inherent vices in Irish landed relations were not really changed, and, in some respects, were made worse. The Fenian troubles and outbreak of 1865-67 showed how much there was still peccant in the state of Ireland; Mr. Gladstone addressed himself, in 1870, to the task of effecting a reform in her land system. The measure he carried through Parliament was bold, and, in the main, statesmanlike; but it was injured by the predilection for English land tenure its author avowed, a general misconception of British statesmen; it was not without marked and even grave defects; and though unquestionably it did real good, it did not satisfy the tenant cla.s.s--at least, the men who had become its leaders. In a few years the frightful period of the Land League had begun; a Reign of Terror prevailed in about a third part of Ireland, accompanied by far-spreading and atrocious crime.
The movement was really a huge conspiracy, formed in America to overthrow British rule in Ireland; but Mr. Gladstone, now minister for the second time, resolved to deal with it only on its agrarian side; he wrought a complete revolution in the Irish land system, on principles wholly different from those of his measure of 1870. This legislation was prepared without reflection; it pa.s.sed through Parliament when that a.s.sembly was almost in a state of panic; its author professed that his only object was to secure the occupier of the Irish soil in his legitimate rights; but the methods he adopted to attain this end have never been heard of in modern times, and have never been employed before in civilised lands. The principle of the mediaeval statutes, which endeavoured to fix the price of bread, and the rate of wages, was extended to the Irish land system; rents were to be adjusted through the agency of the State, by tribunals to which no parallel can be found; tenants" improvements were declared exempted from rent; and a mode of land tenure, hitherto condemned by Mr. Gladstone, and known as the "theory of the Three F"s," was applied to the great majority of Irish tenancies, in an exaggerated, crude, and dangerous form.
This legislation, revolutionary and socialistic alike, has been given more ample scope in the last twenty years; it probably affects four-fifths of the rented lands in Ireland; it has fashioned the type of land tenure over nearly all the country. The successors of Mr. Gladstone, who, indeed, had boasted that it set the doctrines of Adam Smith at nought, were not blind to the evils it soon developed; but it is questionable if their attempts to mitigate these, and to place the Irish land system on a better basis, have not been at least as open to censure. With the ignorance of Irish land tenure common in British statesmen, they proclaimed, what a.s.suredly was not the fact, that Mr. Gladstone had "created a dual ownership" in the Irish land, and that, in order to get rid of this intolerable thing, it was necessary, in accord with English ideas, to bring Ireland, as far as possible, under "single ownership," and to make the occupiers of the Irish soil, to a large extent, its owners. The system of "Land Purchase" in Ireland, begun in 1870, was freed from the limitations which made it safe and just, and widely enlarged under new conditions; Irish tenants were encouraged to acquire the fee in their holdings, by a process never contemplated before; instead of having to pay any part of the price, the State advanced them the whole purchase moneys, repayable by an annual charge much less than any true rent. About a tenth part of the tenant cla.s.s of Ireland have become owners of their farms by these means; the transaction has been in no sense a "purchase;" though given the name, it is really the exact opposite.
I shall describe all this legislation, in detail, afterwards, and shall indicate its far-reaching effects; here I can only take a cursory survey.
The attempts that have been made to reform the Irish land system, in the last sixty years, have been, with scarcely an exception, failures; the Irish land, it has truly been said, is strewn with the wrecks of repeated errors. The Land Act of 1870 was, on the whole, a well-conceived measure; but the recommendations made by the Devon Commission, the iniquitous and destructive Enc.u.mbered Estates Act, the agrarian revolution wrought by Mr.
Gladstone, and the "Land Purchase" Acts, as they are falsely called, have been monuments of want of insight and knowledge. And, what is even worse, legislation on the Irish land has, over and over again, been too long delayed, and has been inconsistent, fitful, founded on no principle; the results have been in a high degree disastrous. Reforms that would have been gladly welcomed if made years before, have been treated with contempt when made too late; and reforms have more than once been hasty experiments, carried out under the stress of menacing troubles. The fable of the Sibylline books has been realised in this matter; and not a few of the efforts to improve Irish land tenures have been little better than sudden leaps in the dark. As to recent legislation in this province, its consequences and tendencies have become manifest. That it has effected some good may be admitted; it has removed grievances that no doubt existed; it has made the government of Ireland more easy for the time; it has allayed discontent for a moment; but the good is far outweighed by the evil. It is not only that the nostrum of the "Three F"s," and the adjustment of rent by the intervention of the State, have cut down the rental of Ireland to an extent that cannot be justified, and have transferred to the occupier of the Irish soil a large part of what was the owner"s property by a process of confiscation concealed, but certain. It is not only that the status of the Irish landlord has been iniquitously transformed to his extreme injury, and that the status of the Irish tenant has been changed to his extreme advantage, in both instances without a pretence to right. The Irish land system has been reduced to an almost hopeless state; it presents some of the worst features of the past; its conditions discourage the improvement of the land, promote its deterioration in many ways, and banish capital away from it; and its plain tendency has been to make agriculture decline. And the revolution, which has been thus accomplished, has aggravated the divisions of cla.s.ses in Ireland, and has been attended with ruinous litigation on a huge scale; and it has produced demoralisation far-reaching and profound, a sense of insecurity in all landed relations, and a far too general disregard of the respect due to contract. The policy, too, of so-called "Land Purchase" has been accompanied with a train of evils on the increase. It is not creating, as its authors fondly hoped, a cla.s.s of loyal and thriving freeholders; it is not even creating a body of industrious and improving farmers. It is, on the contrary, developing, in some of its parts, the bad land system of the eighteenth century; it has proved injurious to agriculture in one important respect. Above all, from the very nature of the case, it has drawn harsh, nay, unjust, distinctions between the landed cla.s.ses, which necessarily have been a cause of much discontent; and it has inevitably provoked a demand for a universal confiscation of the Irish land even worse than any of those which have been the curse of Ireland.
I pa.s.s from the material and general state of Ireland to that of the Irish community, in its different parts. That community is still divided, as it has been for ages, into three separate and distinct peoples, marked off from each other in race and faith; whatever "Nationalist" leaders may a.s.sert, it is not, and has never been, in a real sense, a nation. The lines of demarcation between Catholic, Presbyterian, and Protestant Ireland are at least as clearly defined as they have always been; they have probably been widened by the troubles of late years, and by the legislation which has been a consequence. Catholic Ireland has a population of some three millions and a half of souls; it is in the main a Celtic race, but with a considerable admixture of other elements; it has pa.s.sed through a revolution remarkable and immense. Sixty years ago, the worst parts of the Penal Code had long been things of the past; but the Irish Catholics had only recently thrown off the last remains of that thraldom, under O"Connell"s guidance; and their emanc.i.p.ation had only been effected by a great and very threatening movement. They were still comparatively an alien and a subject people; they had not many owners of land; they were not numerous in the upper trading and the professional cla.s.ses; education was greatly wanting among them; they were for the most part a backward and poor peasantry, almost serfs of landlords distinct in creed and in blood; and they formed the bulk of the teeming millions that vegetated on the soil in indigent misery. The Irish Catholics, too, had still many and real grievances; the t.i.the of the Established Church had long been an unjust burden on the petty husbandman; it had recently given rise to a frightful war of cla.s.ses, and had only been commuted a short time; the Established Church itself was a moral wrong, felt acutely by the Irish priesthood at least. Catholic Ireland, besides, was deeply sunk in ignorance; the system of national education had only begun to flourish; and the Irish Catholic was still all but wholly excluded from county administration and munic.i.p.al government. The worst of these grievances, however, was the state of the tenure of the land; this was especially harsh on the Catholic peasant; if oppression was not general or even common, he was too often subjected to excessive rent and unfair eviction.
This order of things has all but completely pa.s.sed away; the position of Catholic Ireland in the State has almost wholly been changed. Catholic emanc.i.p.ation has long been an accomplished fact; Irish Catholics and Protestants are equal before the law; and have really equal chances in fighting the battle of life. Though still not numerous, the Catholic owners of land have multiplied; the Irish Catholic middle cla.s.ses have made a marked advance; they have grown in knowledge and increased in wealth; they have risen to a higher plane of existence. At the same time, the grievances of the past have nearly all been removed by law, often indeed very late, and by questionable means; but the Established Church has fallen from its high estate; education has been diffused through the Catholic ma.s.ses; the Irish Catholics have obtained more than a just share in local government and administration of all kinds; their ascendency in this province is well-nigh a.s.sured. The most important, however, of these changes is that which has taken place in the state of the Irish Catholic peasantry. The process which lifted up millions of these from the land and sent them into exile was, no doubt, terrible; but it was the condition of the welfare and the progress of the population which remained. A great deal of the legislation, besides, which has revolutionised the tenure of land in Ireland, and has had a special effect on the Catholic occupiers of the soil, has been essentially ill designed and unjust; above all, it has been much too long delayed. But the Irish Catholic peasantry have long ago ceased to be serfs; they are more the owners of their own holdings than their former landlords; their rights in the land have been more than protected; they have acquired the fee in their farms in thousands of instances; the days of rack rents and harsh evictions have pa.s.sed away for ever. If the lines of the old Irish land system may still be traced, they rather resemble, it has truly been said, the lineaments of a phantom than of a living being.
The att.i.tude, however, of Catholic Ireland, and the sentiments of the immense majority of the Irish Catholics, must cause painful misgivings in reflecting minds. Their aristocracy, indeed, and their landed gentry have always been loyal and true subjects; they can scarcely be distinguished from their Protestant fellows. The Irish Catholics, too, of the upper middle cla.s.ses are generally attached to the inst.i.tutions under which they live; and Catholic Ireland has produced many eminent public servants, and has given splendid ornaments to the Bench and the Bar. But the spirit that prevails among the Irish Catholic lower middle cla.s.ses, and notably among the ma.s.ses of the peasantry, and the opinions and feelings they ostentatiously avow, are deeply to be regretted in many respects.
Notwithstanding all that has been done for it, and the immense reforms made in its interest, this part of Catholic Ireland is, beyond question, more disaffected and disloyal to the State than it was when O"Connell was its master spirit; it is more hostile to government, law, and the existing order of things. The teaching of the Land and the National Leagues, and of the successor which has taken their place, has penetrated into the Corporations and Local Boards, in which the Catholic Irish are supreme; these a.s.semblies echo with revolutionary and socialistic cries, and denounce the whole system of British rule in Ireland, aiming especially at the Sovereign and those in the highest places. The Irish Catholics, too, in the three provinces of the south, have gained a complete ascendency in county and munic.i.p.al affairs; their first object has been to exclude the landed gentry from them, and to destroy the influence which belongs to property; and they have exhibited tendencies absolutely opposed to the Const.i.tution to which they owe their authority. The worst symptoms, however, appear in the state of the peasantry; they have obtained advantages of which their fathers never even dreamed; the land system has been turned upside down for their behoof; they have no grievance in landed relations; and yet they remain unfriendly to the State, and show no sign of grat.i.tude. This cla.s.s contains the mult.i.tudes, who for more than twenty years, have allied themselves with a conspiracy against our power in Ireland, and who, at the bidding of designing men, shout treasonable utterances at mob gatherings, and denounce the "Saxon" and "landlordism"
with one voice; and though they are a timid and somewhat inert ma.s.s, and they would not rise like their fathers in 1798, they would not lift a hand to support our rule were foreign invaders to descend on our sh.o.r.es. This state of opinion, no doubt, is intelligible to the real student of Irish history; the Irish Catholics are a people who have been cruelly wronged; they have only slowly risen out of serf-like thraldom; above all, they have only attained the position they hold in the State after long years of trials, and by giving trouble; they treasure the Celtic traditions of the past; we may regret that they are what they are, but can hardly feel surprise. In other respects, the Irish Catholic ma.s.ses, especially in a democratic age, must arouse the solicitude of thinkers worthy of the name.