(_e_) From the fact that Jerome here quotes the example of Daniel, the argument is derived that in doubtful cases recourse should be had to the example of our forefathers and others. XVI. quaest. I. sunt nonnulli.
XXII. quaest. I. ut noveritis. I quaest. VII. convenientibus. XII.
quaest. II questa. XVI. quaest. III. praesulum. XVI. quaest. I. cap.
ult. XXVI. quaest. II. non statutum. et cap. non examplo. C. de sen. et interlo. nemo[AB] contra. The solution is that where rules fail recourse must be had from similars to similars, otherwise not. XX. distinct. de quibus;[AC] a.s.suming that it is as there stated. Likewise the argument holds that good is a.s.sumed from the very fact that it has come from something good. As VII. quaest. I. omnis qui. & x.x.xIIII. quaest. I. c.u.m beatissimus. IX. quaest. II. Lugdunensis. XII. quaest. I. expedit.
XXVIII. quaest. I. sic enim. x.x.xI distinct, omnino. John.
(_f_) For example, as to the Incarnation, that pa.s.sage in Virgil[AD]: "Jam nova progenies caelo demitt.i.tur ab alto."
(_g_) As that pa.s.sage from Ovid[AE], "Odero si potero: si non, invitus amabo."
[The notes on the remaining paragraphs of the text are here omitted owing to their length.]
...or philosophers, are said to have foretold any truth, it certainly has weight in overcoming the vanity of the pagans; not, however, in leading to the acceptance of their authority. For as great as is the difference between the prediction of the coming of Christ by the angels and the confession of the devils, so great a difference is there between the authority of the prophets and the curiosity of the sacrilegious.
Likewise Pope Clement:
=For the understanding of Sacred Scriptures knowledge of profane writings is shown to be necessary.=
It has been reported to us that certain ones dwelling in your parts are opposed to the sacred teaching, and seem to teach just as it seems best to them, not according to the tradition of the fathers, but after their own understanding; for, as we have heard, certain ingenious men of your parts draw many a.n.a.logies of the truth from the books they read. And there special care must be taken that when the law of G.o.d is read, it be not read or taught according to the individual"s own mental ability and intelligence. For there are many words in divine scripture which can be drawn into that meaning which each one, of his own will, may a.s.sume for himself; but this should not be so, for you ought not to seek out a meaning that is external, foreign, and strange, in order, by any means whatsoever, to establish your view from the authority of scriptures; but you should derive from the scriptures themselves the meaning of the truth. And therefore it is fitting to gain knowledge of the scriptures from him who guards it according to the truth handed down to him by the fathers, and that he may be able correctly to impart that which he rightly learned. For when each one has learned from divine scriptures a sound and firm rule of truth, it will not be strange if from the common culture and liberal studies, which perhaps he touched upon in his youth, he should also bring something to the support of true doctrine,--in such manner, however, that when he learns the truth, he rejects the false and the feigned.
Likewise Isidorus in his book of Maxims:
=Why Christians should be forbidden read the productions of the poets.=
Christians are forbidden to read the productions of the poets because through the allurements of their fables the mind is too much stimulated toward the incentives to unlawful desires.
For not only by the offering of incense is sacrifice made to devils, but also by accepting too readily their sayings.
[Gratian draws the CONCLUSION.]
As therefore is evident from the authorities already quoted ignorance ought to be odious to priests. Since, if in ignorance of their own blindness they undertake to lead others, both fall into the ditch. Wherefore in the Psalm it is said: "Let their eyes be darkened that they may not see, and bow down their back always." For when those who go ahead are darkened, they who follow are easily inclined to bear the burdens of sinners.
Therefore priests must endeavor to cast off ignorance from them as if it were a sort of pestilence. For although, in a few instances, it is said that a slave is flogged who does not do his master"s will through ignorance of that will, this is not, generally understood of all. For the Apostle says: "If any man be ignorant, let him be ignorant," which is to be understood as referring to him who did not wish to have knowledge that he might do well.
Hence Augustine in his book of Questions:
Not every man who is ignorant is free from the penalty. For the ignorant man who is ignorant because he found no way of learning (the law) can be excused from the penalty, while he cannot be pardoned who having the means of knowledge did not use them.[31]
(d) _Theology_
As above noted, one of the two great contributions of the twelfth-century revival of learning to the field of university studies was scholastic theology. The number of books written on this subject was enormous. The ponderous tomes, loaded with comments, make a long array on the shelves of our great libraries, but they are memorials of a battlefield of the mind now for the most part deserted. The importance of the subject in the scheme of mediaeval education has been much exaggerated; it was the pursuit of a very small minority of students. It has a certain interest to the historian of education, however, as an ill.u.s.tration of the way in which a method struck out by a single original thinker may influence the work of scholars and universities for generations. The method of scholastic theology is mainly due to Abelard.
The roots of the n.o.bly developed systems of the thirteenth century theology lie in the twelfth century; and all Sums of Theology, of which there was a considerable number, not only before Alexander of Hales [thirteenth century] but also before and at the time of Peter Lombard, may be traced back directly or indirectly to Paris.[32]
In this ma.s.s of theological writings one book stands out as the contribution which for three centuries most influenced university instruction in theology. This is the "Sentences" _(Sententiae)_ of Peter Lombard (c. 1100-1160), in four books. The subjects discussed in this work are similar to those treated by Abelard in the _Sic et Non_ (see p. 20). In not a few instances it adopts the form of presentation used in that book, i.e., the citation of authorities on both sides of the case. Like the _Decretum_ of Gratian, it is an ill.u.s.tration of the widespread influence of the _Sic et Non._
A great number of commentaries were written upon this book. A ma.n.u.script note in one of the copies in the Harvard library states that four hundred and sixty such commentaries are known; but I have been unable to verify the statement.
In theory, the Bible was studied in the Faculties of Theology in addition to the "Sentences"; but in the thirteenth century and later it seems to have occupied, in practice, a minor share of the student"s attention. To this effect is the criticism of Roger Bacon in 1292:
Although the princ.i.p.al study of the theologian ought to be in the text of Scripture, as I have proved in the former part of this work, yet in the last fifty years theologians have been princ.i.p.ally occupied with questions [for debate] as all know, in tractates and summae,--horse-loads, composed by many,--and not at all with the most holy text of G.o.d. And accordingly, theologians give a readier reception to a treatise of scholastic questions than they will do to one about the text of Scripture.... The greater part of these questions introduced into theology, with all the modes of disputation (see p. 115) and solution, are in the terms of philosophy, as is known to all theologians, who have been well exercised in philosophy before proceeding to theology.
Again, other questions which are in use among theologians, though in terms of theology, viz., of the Trinity, of the fall, of the incarnation, of sin, of virtue, of the sacraments, etc., are mainly ventilated by authorities, arguments, and solutions drawn from philosophy. And therefore the entire occupation of theologians now-a-days is philosophical, both in substance and method.[33]
(e) _Medicine_
The medical learning of western Europe was greatly enlarged during the eleventh and twelfth centuries by the translation into Latin of numerous works by Greek, Arabic, and Jewish physicians. These became the standard text-books of the Faculties or Schools of Medicine. The Greek writers most commonly mentioned in the university lists of studies are Hippocrates (fifth century B.C.) and Galen (second century A.D.).
Several of their more important works were first translated--like those of Aristotle--from Arabic versions of the original Greek. Avicenna (c.
980-1037) furnished the most important Arabic contribution. Accounts of these men and their writings may be found in any good encyclopedia. For the program of studies at Paris see D.C. Munro, "Translations and Reprints," Vol. II, Pt. III. A list of the books used at Montpellier, one of the most important medical schools, is given in Rashdall, Vol.
II, Pt. I, p. 123, and Pt. II, p. 780; the list for Oxford, p. 454 f.
(f) _Other University Text-books_
The foregoing sections indicate the books which furnished the intellectual basis for the rise of universities, and particularly the basis for their division into Faculties. They do not indicate by any means the whole list of books used in the universities between 1200 and 1500; nor is it possible here to give such a list. Two facts only are to be noted concerning them: First, a considerable number of books already well known in the twelfth century were used in addition to those mentioned above. Among these may be mentioned the Latin grammars of Donatus (_fl._ 350 A.D.) and Priscian (_fl._ 500 A.D.), treatises by Boethius (_c._ 475-525) on Rhetoric, Logic, Arithmetic, and Music, and his translations of various portions of the _Organon_ of Aristotle, and of the _Iagoge_, or Introduction to the Categories of Aristotle, by Porphyry (_c._ 233-306). The Geometry of Euclid (_fl._ 300 B.C.) was translated about 1120 by Adelard of Bath, and the Astronomy (Almagest) of Ptolemy (second century A.D.) was pharaphrased from the Arabic by Gerard of Cremona toward the close of the twelfth century, under the t.i.tle _Theorica Planetarum_.
Second, during the whole period under discussion there was an active production of new text-books on the established subjects, some of which were widely used in the universities. Among the grammars was the _Doctrinale_ of Alexander da Villa Dei, written in 1199. This rhyming grammar was enormously popular, and continued to be so, well into the sixteenth century. The _Grecismus_ and _Labyrinthus_ of Eberhard of Bethune (early thirteenth century), also grammars in rhyme, were widely used. Logical treatises often mentioned in university programs of study were _De s.e.x Principiis_ (On the Six Principles), written about 1150 by Gilbert de la Porree, a teacher of John of Salisbury; and the _Summulae_ of Petrus Hispa.n.u.s (thirteenth century). In the thirteenth century Albertus Magnus made a digest of all the works of Aristotle, which proved to be easier for students than the originals, and which were sometimes used in place of them. Among mathematical works of this century were the _Algorismus_ (Arithmetic) and the _Libellus de Sphaera_ (On the Sphere) by John Holywood (Sacrobosco); and the _Perspectiva Communis_, i.e. Optics, by John (Peckham) of Pisa. A treatise on Music by John de Muris of Paris was produced in the early part of the fourteenth century. All of these were well-known university text-books.
They appear in the list at Leipzig throughout the fifteenth century (see p. 139).
4. UNIVERSITY PRIVILEGES
The privileges granted by civil and ecclesiastical powers const.i.tute a fourth important influence upon the growth of universities. Beginning with the year 1158 a long series of immunities, liberties, and exemptions was bestowed by State and Church upon masters and students as a cla.s.s, and upon universities as corporations. Masters and scholars were, for example, often taken under the special protection of the sovereign of the country in which they were studying; they were exempted from taxation, and from military service; most important of all, they were placed under the jurisdiction of special courts, in which alone they could be tried. Universities as corporations were given, among other privileges, the right to confer upon their graduates the license to teach "anywhere in the world" without further examination, and the very important right to suspend lectures, i.e. to strike, pending the settlement of grievances against State or Church. They had, of course, the general legal powers of corporations. Thus fortified, the universities attained an astonishing degree of independence and power; and their members were enabled to live in unusual liberty and security.
This fact in itself unquestionably tended to increase the university population.
The masters and scholars of Bologna, Paris, and Oxford seem to have led the way in securing privileges. Their precedent made it easier for later universities to secure similar rights. These were sometimes established "with all the privileges of Paris and Bologna," or "all the privileges of any other university."
The authorities who granted privileges were the sovereigns of Various countries,--the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, the kings of France, England, the Spains--feudal lords, munic.i.p.alities, and the Pope or his legates. They usually conferred them upon special universities, or upon the masters and students in specified towns, and sometimes only for a definite term of years. Minor privileges differed greatly in different localities, but the more important ones--indicated above--were possessed by nearly all universities.
The doc.u.ments which follow ill.u.s.trate both the variety of privileges and the variety of authorities who granted them.
(a) _Special Protection is granted by the Sovereign_
I. The earliest known privilege of any kind connected with the history of mediaeval universities is the _Authentic Habita_. It was granted by Frederick Barbarossa (Frederick I), Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, at the Diet of Roncaglia, Italy, in 1158; probably through the influence of Doctors of Law from Bologna. These men were doubtless familiar with the fact that similar privileges had been given to teachers and scholars by various Roman emperors, some of which were preserved in the Code of Justinian (see p. 54). The _Authentic Habita_ may be regarded as the revival of an ancient Roman custom. The section of the _Authentic_ granting the special protection of the Emperor follows:
After careful inquiry of the bishops, abbots, dukes, counts, judges, and other n.o.bles of our sacred palace in regard to this matter, we, in our loving-kindness, do grant to all scholars who are travelling for the sake of study, and especially to professors of divine and sacred laws, this privilege: Both they and their messengers are to come in security to the places in which the studies are carried on, and there they are to abide in security. For we think it proper, in order that they may be upheld in their good works by our fame and protection, to defend from all harm, by definite special favor, those by whose knowledge the world is illumined unto obedience to G.o.d and to us his servants, and the lives of our subjects are moulded....
Therefore by this law, which is of general effect, and is to be valid forever, we decree that hereafter no one shall show himself so bold as to presume to inflict any injury upon scholars, or, for an offence committed in their former province, to impose any fine upon them,--which, we have heard, sometimes happens through an evil custom. And let violators of this decree, and the local rulers at the time in case they have themselves neglected to punish such violation, know surely that a four-fold rest.i.tution of property shall be exacted from all, and that in addition to the brand of infamy affixed to them by the law itself, they shall be forever deprived of their official positions.[34]
2. In 1200 Philip Augustus of France made certain regulations regarding the protection of students at Paris, and entrusted their execution to the Provost of that city. This is the earliest known charter of privileges for Paris. It should be read in connection with the following selection. For the text in full see D.C. Munro, _l.c._ p. 4.
Small causes, great events! As is narrated in the contemporary account given below, a simple tavern brawl led to the granting of these extensive privileges. This is one among many examples of the way in which the universities turned similar events to their own advantage. The pa.s.sage also exhibits a typical conflict between town and gown.
On the dissension which existed between the Scholars and the Citizens of Paris. [1200 A.D.]
In that same year a grave dissension arose between the scholars and the citizens of Paris, the origin of which was as follows: