"Third. That the offense of Anderson and Weber was encouraged by a.s.surances by me.
"With the view, therefore, to meet this accusation, which, so far as it affects me, I declare and know to be absolutely dest.i.tute of even the shadow of truth, I respectfully ask, and now make formal application, for leave to be represented before your committee in the investigations of all charges affecting me personally. I tender and offer to prove that, in point of fact, the election in East and West Feliciana parishes was governed and controlled by force, violence and intimidation so revolting as to excite the common indignation of all who became conversant with it, and proof was submitted to that effect, not only before the returning board in evidence contained in ex. doc. No. 2, second session 44th Congress, but also in the testimony taken by the committee of the Senate on privileges and elections, report No. 701, second session 44th Congress.
"I will, if allowed, furnish the names of witnesses whom I desire to examine before you to prove the truth of this statement as to said parishes, and that the protests referred to were true, supported by the testimony and properly acted upon and sustained by the returning board. To my personal conduct during this examination I invite your fair and candid scrutiny, with entire confidence that not only myself, but my a.s.sociates of both political parties, acted honestly and properly, from a sense of public duty. I have requested Hon. Samuel Sh.e.l.labarger to deliver this to you, and I respectfully designate him as the gentleman I would desire, on my part, to be present to cross-examine witnesses testifying in relation to charges against me, and who will, as my counsel, tender evidence in proof of this statement. The favor of an early answer is requested.
"Very respectfully, "John Sherman."
It is not necessary to detail the history of this investigation, of which so much was said or printed at the time. It was a partisan committee organized to stir up the controversy that had been settled by the decision of the electoral commission. The committee conducted a long and expensive investigation. The result was that the pretended letter was proven to be a forgery, and that my conduct during the sittings of the returning board was shown to have been that of a spectator, precisely like that of a score of other so- called visitors, of both political parties. The investigation proved to be a radical failure. The report was not made until March 3, 1879, the last day of the 45th Congress. No action was taken upon it.
During the investigation I specifically denied, under oath, that I had ever written or signed such a letter. There was not the slightest proof, direct or indirect, that I did so. The majority, with great unfairness, instead of frankly stating that they were deceived by a forgery, treated it as a matter in doubt. In their report they do not allege or pretend that I wrote or signed such a letter. The evidence of their own witnesses was conclusive that it was written by a Mrs. Jenks.
The report of the minority of the committee commented with severity upon the unfairness of the majority, in the following language:
"The majority seem to us to have come short of what we had a right to expect from their candor, when they fail to report explicitly whether the testimony on this subject sustains the charge that such a letter as Anderson and Weber testified to was ever written by the Hon. John Sherman. For our part, we report distinctly and emphatically that it does not, and that the palpable perjuries of both the witnesses named justify a feeling of deep disgust that they should be treated as capable of creating a serious attack upon the character of a man who has borne a high character in the most responsible service of the country for five-and-twenty years.
"The charge, if it meant anything, was that of corruptly bribing Anderson and D. A. Weber to perpetrate a fraud in the election returns of the Feliciana parishes.
"We find nothing in the testimony to show that Mr. Sherman either knew or believed that any such fraud was committed. We find abundant evidence that he believed that the protests against the fairness of the election were honestly and rightly made.
"We cannot follow the majority in their yielding to what we must believe to be a prejudice of party spirit, which has carried then even to the extent of intimating that the Secretary of the Treasury was party to the pranks of an eccentric woman who dropped a parcel of letters to set the local politicians of New Orleans agog--a woman who was called before the committee a long time as a witness, but who was neither called, examined, nor cross-examined by the minority, who, however they might share the public amus.e.m.e.nt at the performance, entirely declined to take part in it.
"A considerable number of gentlemen who visited New Orleans, either at the request of President Grant or of the national or local campaign committee, were called, and testified as to the purpose of their visit and their procedure during it.
"Adhering to our purpose of leaving the majority to frame issues on which they were willing to proceed in investigating, we did not seek to examine into the particulars of the conduct of the Democratic visitors in Louisiana. To let the testimony show the original resolutions of inquiry to be both useless and mischievous, serving no purpose but the spread of unjust scandal, seemed to us, in view of all former inquiries in the same direction, the proper course to pursue.
"Messrs. Sherman, Garfield, Hale, Kelley, and others were examined, and their testimony was compared with that by which it was attempted to impeach their motives and their conduct. Their account of their action is consistent and frank. They believed that their party had rightfully a good claim to the fruits of the election in that state. They also believed that the notorious violence and intimidation which had in former years disgraced that state had been again practiced in the campaign of 1876. They approved the action of the returning board in deciding, under the powers given them by law, to declare null the pretended elections at precincts and polls where evidence of such interference with the freedom of election had occurred. We do not find that they attempted to control the board or to dictate their action. We do not find that they attempted to dictate to witnesses or to procure false testimony to place before the board. We do not find that they were in any way more partisan or less scrupulous than the similar party of gentlemen who then represented the Democratic party. The attempt to single out Mr. Sherman for special attack seems to us to have had no original foundation but the testimony of James E. Anderson, and the terms in which the majority, in their report, have characterized that person, warrant us in declaring our opinion that when the character of that witness and his testimony were discovered, it was the duty of the majority of the committee frankly to abandon their effort to discriminate between Mr. Sherman and the other gentlemen who were a.s.sociated with him."
Shortly afterward I wrote the following letter to E. F. Noyes, then United States minister at Paris, whose name was mentioned in the resolution of investigation:
"Washington, D. C., April 1, 1879.
"My Dear Sir:--Your letter of the 18th ult. is received.
"The report of the Potter committee, which you correctly p.r.o.nounce to be infamous, was received in silence and was scarcely printed or noticed in the newspapers of the United States two days after its presentation to the House. It was then severely handled by the Republican press and treated with silence by the Democratic press, and now it is not mentioned. I think that neither of us should complain of any injurious result from the Potter investigation; although it was annoying, it was fair and creditable both to the committee and many of the witnesses. But for the expense and trouble of the investigation, I am rather gratified that it occurred, for the feeling of the Democratic party, over what they supposed was a fraudulent return, would have deepened into conviction, while the investigation tended on the while to repel this suspicion.
"Very truly yours, "John Sherman.
"Hon. E. F. Noyes."
Another investigation into the conduct of the department was inaugurated by J. M. Glover, of Missouri, who, on November 6, 1877, introduced into the House of Representatives a resolution directing the several committees of the House to inquire into the conduct of the different branches of the public service coming under their charge, and the committees on expenditures in the several departments to examine into the state of the accounts and expenditures of the respective departments submitted to them. This resolution in substance was adopted January 11, 1878, and Mr. Glover was chairman of the sub-committee to examine into the conduct of the treasury department. He came to the department and every facility was given him for examination. He was allowed experts to aid him in the work, and continued the investigation for two years until the close of the Congress. His committee incurred much expense, but was unable to find that any of the public money had been wasted or lost. His report, submitted in the closing days of Congress, was not ordered to be printed. Subsequently, on the 15th of April, 1879, after Mr. Glover had ceased to be a Member of the House, a pet.i.tion from him was presented asking that his report be printed, which was referred to a committee, but they did not seem to think the report of much consequence, as they did not recommend it be printed.
The only financial bill that became a law during that session was the following, approved May 31, 1878:
"AN ACT TO FORBID THE FURTHER RETIREMENT OF UNITED STATES LEGAL TENDER NOTES.
"_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress a.s.sembled_, That from and after the pa.s.sage of this act it shall not be lawful for the Secretary of the Treasury, or other officer under him, to cancel or retire any more of the United States legal tender notes. And when any of said notes may be redeemed or be received into the treasury under any law, from any source whatever, and shall belong to the United States, they shall not be retired, canceled, or destroyed, but they shall be reissued and paid out again and kept in circulation: _Provided_, That nothing herein shall prohibit the cancellation and destruction of mutilated notes and the issue of other notes of like denomination in their stead, as now provided by law.
"All acts and parts of acts in conflict herewith are hereby repealed."
I recommended the pa.s.sage of this law, as I believed that the retirement of the greenbacks pending the preparation for resumption, by reducing the volume of the currency, really increased the difficulties of resumption.
The session of Congress closed on the 26th of June, 1878. During the recess the business of the department proceeded in the ordinary way, without any event to attract attention, but all that happened tended in the right direction. The crops were good, confidence became a.s.surance, and all business was substantially based upon coin.
In consequence of the sale of four and a half per cent. bonds for resumption purposes the return of Mr. Conant to London became necessary. His numerous letters advised the department of the current of financial operations in Europe. There was some fluctuation in the relative price of United States notes and coin, chiefly caused by our demand for gold and the appearance in the market of bonds of other countries. At one period the sale of four and a half per cent. bonds became more rapid than the contract provided for, and this rapid acc.u.mulation of coin tended to advance its price, which I desired to avoid, and, therefore, strictly limited the sale of the four and a half per cent. bonds to $5,000,000 a month, thus preventing an unusual demand for coin. During this period there was a constant effort of banks and bankers, chiefly in New York, to have some exceptional privilege in the purchase of four per cent. bonds. This was in every case denied. The published offer of the sale of these bonds was repeated during every month, and the terms prescribed were enforced in every instance without favor or partiality.
On the 12th of July W. S. Groesbeck, one of the members of the monetary commission about to a.s.semble in Europe, applied to the department for information that would enable the American conferees to a.s.sure the conference that the United States would resume by the time fixed, and should therefore be regarded by the conference as not in a state of suspicion. I responded to his letter as follows:
"Treasury Department, } "Washington, D. C., July 15, 1878.} "William S. Groesbeck, Esq., Cincinnati, Ohio.
"Dear Sir:--Your letter of the 12th instant was received during my temporary absence, and I comply with your request with pleasure.
"Accompanying this I send you sundry doc.u.ments, duly scheduled, which contain in detail the law and my views on the resumption question.
"Among these papers is a letter from the treasurer of the United States, of date July 6, showing the exact coin on hand for all purposes, a careful examination of which will prove to you our ability to resume at the time fixed by law.
"It will be perceived that we have on hand in the treasury coin enough to cover all our coin liabilities of every name and nature, and also thirty five per cent. of the aggregate amount of United States notes outstanding, with an excess of $2,474,822. We have also $7,139,529 of fractional silver coin, which will be used for current expenses.
"Of the United States notes outstanding, at least sixty millions are held in the treasury, either as the property of the United States or as special funds for purposes prescribed by law, which cannot readily be diminished.
"In addition, the secretary is authorized to sell bonds for the purchase of coin or bullion, and he may use United States notes for the same purpose. Our revenue, both in coin and currency, is more than sufficient to pay all current expenses covered by the appropriations of Congress.
"Considering that the United States notes are scattered over a vast country, are in great favor and demand, and extremely popular, I feel entire confidence in the ability of the treasury to resume on the 1st of January next, and the leading bankers and brokers of New York are of the same opinion.
"I know of nothing that can prevent the United States from taking its place among the specie-paying nations at this time, except the possible repeal by Congress of the resumption act, and this I do not antic.i.p.ate.
"Very respectfully, "John Sherman, Secretary."
CHAPTER x.x.xIV.
A SHORT RESPITE FROM OFFICIAL DUTIES.
Visit to Mansfield and Other Points in Ohio--Difficulty of Making a Speech at Toledo--An Attempt to Break up a Meeting that Did Not Succeed--Various Reports of the Gathering--Good Work of the Cincinnati "Enquirer"--Toledo People Wanted "More Money"--Remarks Addressed to the Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce--Visit to Lancaster, the Place of My Birth--My Return to Washington--I Begin to Exchange Silver Dollars for United States Notes--My Authority to Do So Before January 1 Questioned--The Order is Withdrawn and Some Criticism Follows--Instructions to the United States Treasurer and Others-- Arrangements with New York Clearing House.
In the latter part of August, 1878, I made a visit to Ohio, first going to Mansfield where I was cordially received. In the evening I was serenaded, and after the band had played several times I went to the steps of the hotel and made a few impromptu remarks, reported as follows by the local paper:
"Fellow Citizens:--I thank you heartily for the courtesy of this serenade, and especially the members of the band who have favored us with their excellent music. I will be here with you but for a few days, and welcome with joy the sight of home, and the familiar faces and scenes around me. I do not desire to say anything of politics, or of matters upon which we do not agree, but prefer to meet you all as old acquaintances and townsmen, having common interests and sympathies as to many things as to which we do agree.
And I especially congratulate you upon the bountiful harvests, fruitful orchards and reviving prosperity with which you are blessed.
I will be glad to shake hands with any of you, and to talk with you free from all artificial restraints."
I went from Mansfield to Toledo, where I had agreed with the state central committee to make a speech, and where the opposition to resumption was stronger than in any other city in the state. Here the so-called National party had its origin. I knew a great many of the citizens of Toledo and the prevailing feeling on financial topics. I, therefore, carefully prepared a speech, covering all the leading questions involved in the campaign, especially all that related to our currency. The meeting was held August 26, in a large opera house, which would seat 2,500 people. I found it full to overflowing. Every particle of s.p.a.ce in the aisles was occupied and it was estimated that 3,000 people were gathered within its walls. I will give the narrative of a correspondent of the St.
Paul "Pioneer Press," who was an eyewitness of the scenes that followed:
"Secretary Sherman was not received with that hearty greeting common to a man of such prominence at first, while the organization that had been picketed in different parts of the hall at once commenced hissing at the first sight of the tall, slender form of the speaker.
Until his introduction the emotion was the same, and as soon as he commenced to speak he was interrupted with jeers and insults from what Nasby, in his paper, called the "hoodlums of the city," who came organized and determined to break up the meeting without giving the speaker a chance to be heard, by shouting at the top of their voices such insults as "You are responsible for all the failures in the country;" "You work to the interest of the capitalist;"
"Capitalists own you, John Sherman, and you rob the poor widows and orphans to make them rich;" "How about stealing a President;"
"Why don"t you redeem the trade dollar?"
"These, with many other like flaunting sneers, were constantly indulged in by the disorderly element, which had been distributed with care throughout the hall. So boisterous and moblike was their behavior that it was apparent several times that it would be impossible to maintain order, and notwithstanding the speaker stated that if any gentlemen wished to ask any question, upon any point that he might discuss, in their order, he would be glad to answer them, and invited criticisms, but one such question was asked by Mr. F. J. Scott, one of the leading lights of the Nationals, who wished to know the difference between "fiat" money and greenbacks; the speaker replied: "Fiat money is redeemable nowhere, payable nowhere, for no amount without security, at no time, and without a fixed value; while greenbacks are redeemable in specie at par, at a fixed time, and secured by the pledge of the government."