Another horizon of the same idealistic character opens before the eyes of our own President, the seer to the nations in this epoch-making time. In an address delivered on October 5, 1916, President Wilson proclaims the new day to the United States: "America up to the present time has been, as if by deliberate choice, confined and provincial, and it will be impossible for her to remain confined and provincial.
Henceforth she belongs to the world and must act as part of the world, and all the att.i.tudes of America will henceforth be altered." And again three weeks later he adds: "America was established in order to indicate, at any rate in one government, the fundamental rights of man. America must hereafter be ready as a member of the family of nations to exert her whole force, moral and physical, to the a.s.sertion of those rights throughout the round world." Here is a sentence from his greetings to France on Bastille Day, 1918: "The War is being fought to save ourselves from intolerable things; but it is also being fought to save mankind." And as a final word from President Wilson, taken from his discussion of the new international morality: "My urgent advice to you would be, not always to think first of America, but always, also, to think first of humanity. You do not love humanity, if you seek to divide humanity into jealous camps. Humanity can be welded together only by love, by sympathy, by justice, not by jealousy and hatred." While none of these utterances refer specifically to missions, yet surely Dr. W. I. Hull is correct in interpreting President Wilson"s relation to races of the mission fields in these words: "Instead of exploiting backward peoples, he would apply the maxim of _n.o.blesse oblige_, and would summon all nations to mutual aid in their ascent of "the world"s great altar stairs" up to the law and order, peace and justice, which const.i.tute the true sunshine of G.o.d."[25]
The "really new world" of Britain"s Premier will not be dominated by Machiavelli, the motto of whose sixteenth and seventeenth century monarchs was "_L"etat c"est moi!_" even though Treitschke ranked him second only to Aristotle as a political philosopher.[26] The present cataclysm of woes does not prove Professor Cramb"s contention that "Corsica has conquered Galilee"; nor has Nietzsche thrust the "pale Galilean" from his throne. That semi-insane philosopher"s _Uebermenschen_ must fall before Sir John Macdonnell"s "_Super-Nationalism_" as set forth in the March, 1918, issue of the _Contemporary Review_. And the President"s world-echoed phrase, "world-democracy," is uttered only with the corrective in mind that was sounded forth a score of years ago by England"s Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, "Think imperially." It is only by the establishment of an _Imperium in imperio_ through obedience to what the Duke of Wellington called the Christian"s Marching Orders, the Great Commission, that the new reign of the Prince of Peace can become possible. If the blood-soaked "savagery of civilization on the march to save the world from the civilization of savagery" is the dolorous duty of the present hour, there is solace in the thought that Golgotha was but the prelude to the Resurrection and Ascension. The Ascent of Mankind in all its nations and peoples and kindreds and tongues is at hand. To hasten this universal uplift and aid the World Powers as they seek to inaugurate the New Order, no agency is likely to aid more than foreign missions among the peoples reached by that enterprise. And the new Imperial Thinking and Acts are simply those of the seven-fold Commission of the Saviour of the World, "Behold, pray, go, heal, preach, teach, baptize, all nations," the conquering Labarum of an onward-moving Church.
[1] A. C. Coolidge, "The United States as a World Power," p. 329.
[2] F. Lynch, "President Wilson and the Moral Aims of the War," New York, 1918, pp. 50-51.
[3] Beach and St. John, "World Statistics of Christian Missions,"
1916, pp. 59-61.
[4] For the year 1913, see P. K. Streit, "Atlas Hierarchieus,"
summarized in "World Statistics of Christian Missions," pp. 103-104.
[5] London _Times_, May 16, 1918.
[6] Personal letter from an investigator in France, May 29, 1918.
[7] "Das Kriegserlebnis der deutschen Mission in Lichte der Heiligen Schrift" as quoted in _The Missionary Review of the World_ for June, 1918, pp. 423-424.
[8] J. H. Oldham, "The World and the Gospel," p. 200.
[9] J. L. Barton in _Missionary Ammunition, Number One_, 1916, p. 19.
[10] _Missionary Review of the World_, January, 1917, p. 4.
[11] _International Review of Missions_, April, 1916, p. 183.
[12] _Nineteenth Century and After_, April, 1918, pp. 675-676.
[13] Reported in the London _Times_, November 9, 1917.
[14] _Nineteenth Century and After_, April, 1918, p. 681.
[15] R. Tagore, "Nationalism," p. 101.
[16] Quoted in W. Archer"s "India and Its Future," pp. 307-308.
[17] M. Durand, "Life of Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall," p. 89.
[18] _International Review of Missions_, January, 1918, p. 23.
[19] _Ibid._, p. 53.
[20] _Missionary Ammunition, Number One_, 1916, pp. 12-13.
[21] _International Review of Missions_, October, 1914, pp. 632-633.
[22] A. J. Macdonald, "Trade, Politics and Christianity in Africa and the East," xii, xv, xviii.
[23] _j.a.pan Daily Mail_, October 9, 1909.
[24] F. Lynch, "President Wilson and the Moral Aims of the War," p.
72.
[25] F. Lynch, "President Wilson and the Moral Aims of the War," p.
64.
[26] H. von Treitschke, "Politik," p. 3.
VIII
THE WAR AND SOCIAL WORK
WILLIAM BACON BAILEY
Although the duration of this world-war, and the part which we may be called upon to play in it, makes the destruction in wealth and human life in this country uncertain, and although we cannot tell so far in advance what will be the probable extent of social reconstruction to follow, still the war has progressed far enough, and its effects upon this country are sufficiently apparent, to enable us to forecast more or less indefinitely certain changes which are likely to follow its close.
With regard to the future of social service, three facts are apparent:
First, the people of our country are contributing money as never before to social work. We have for a long time realized that there was a reservoir in this country upon which we had drawn but little, but few realized the extent of this surplus. At times of great distress both here and abroad, our sympathy had been expressed by generous contributions. We had annually contributed large sums for the support of various philanthropies in this country, but as a nation we never realized how much we could give until the test came. One drive is hardly completed before another comes. We are surprised as a nation and as individuals at the amounts we can repeatedly give and still continue to meet our ordinary expenditures. This giving is getting to be almost a habit with us and when the war is over, although we may be helping to carry a huge national debt, I believe that our deserving charities will be supported more adequately than before the war.
Second, we are getting more trained volunteer workers. One of the princ.i.p.al problems of charitable organizations engaged in case work has been to secure a sufficient number of capable volunteers who would keep their interest in the work and be regular in their attendance.
The past few months have seen an increase in this volunteer service which a year ago we should never have deemed possible. The Home Service Section of the American Red Cross has enlisted the service as visitors of thousands of our men and women who are anxious to do what they can to preserve the homes from which some member has been called to the colors. In a large number of cities this service has been placed under the supervision of paid workers who had been connected with charity organization societies and who brought with them the experience of years in directing and training volunteer friendly visitors. They recognized the advantage of cla.s.sroom instruction for these visitors, even if necessity compelled that it be extremely limited. Accordingly training schools for these volunteers have been started in many places in this country and the attendance has been surprisingly large and regular. These volunteers are no longer timidly inquiring whether there is some opportunity for friendly visiting in the homes; they are demanding that some opportunity be given them.
After the war this vast army of workers with limited training will demand work of a similar nature and the problem of finding satisfactory volunteers should be solved for many years to come.
Third, the war is raising the standard of care in charitable work.
Most of these volunteers are visiting in soldiers" families. The allowance from the Government, the State and the Red Cross makes possible a good standard of living. While our soldiers are at the front they do not need to fear that the standard to which the family had been accustomed will be allowed to fall. At the close of hostilities these volunteers, accustomed to this standard, will demand that the same standard apply to the out-door relief given by charitable societies. The result will be a considerable rise in the standard of care. Professional social workers are not talking so much as they did about "cases." They are talking more about "families."
This is the express desire of those who are directing the Home Service Section of the Red Cross. It is felt that in this way a more personal note may be brought into family rehabilitation in the future. It would appear, therefore, that the future should find our charities more adequately financed, better supplied with trained volunteers, and inspired to a higher standard of work.
The habit of saving is likely to become much more firmly established among our people. We may never be so thrifty as the French nation, but we are progressing in that direction. Subscriptions to the Third Liberty Loan were received from seventeen millions of our people. In many of our public schools the purchase of thrift stamps by the scholars has been almost universal. It is probable that a very large proportion of those who are now purchasing liberty bonds never owned a bond of any description before. The habit formed in this way will continue in many cases. A banker a short time ago prophesied that upon the conclusion of this war the savings banks would receive far larger deposits than had ever been the case before. This habit of saving and the ownership of bonds will not fail to have its influence upon the rank and file of our people. At the close of the war we shall have our troubles with those who will advance repudiation or some scheme by which the burden of our national debt may be shifted and the necessity for saving miraculously avoided in some way. But the common sense of our people will a.s.sert itself and we shall realize that the only way by which we can replace this capital is by spending less than we earn.
The plain word "thrift" seems likely to come into its own again.
Up to the present time social work has appeared to many persons to be a fad. Some have felt that people with too little to do have spent their time in interfering with the affairs of people who had too much to do. The charge has been made that social service was only a temporary phenomenon which would soon disappear. But the war has taught us a lesson. The military authorities were among the first to recognize the need of proper recreation for the troops, and the demand for workers in the cantonments and at the front has been too great to be met. We see now that the need for recreation is a real need. It seems likely that commercialized recreation and amus.e.m.e.nt is likely to play a smaller part hereafter, and that the community is going to demand a share in this enterprise in the future. a.s.sembly halls, playgrounds, and similar provisions for the public will be required.
We have never had a caste system in this country and aristocracy based upon birth has been unknown. It is probable that nowhere in the world during the past two centuries has it been easier for a man to improve his financial and social standing by his own efforts than in this country. Land ownership has been widely distributed, we have had a large middle cla.s.s and men have been constantly changing from the group of employees to that of employers. But notwithstanding these factors, there has been a growth of cla.s.s feeling in this country.
Employers have been mistrusted by employees. The growth of large fortunes has given rise to envy and bitterness in many quarters. Many have felt that ignorance was the princ.i.p.al cause for this growing antipathy. Employer and employee no longer met upon a common footing.
Many attempts have been made to bridge this chasm. Settlement houses have been erected in order that individuals who would not be likely to meet in the usual course of business or social intercourse might here become acquainted and learn one another"s viewpoint. The industrial service movement has been an attempt to link the interests of employer and employee together. But these movements have only scratched the surface. The distinctions based on difference have persisted. It has remained for the war to bring the members of these opposing groups together. Camp and trench life know no cla.s.s distinction. Rich and poor, educated and illiterate, rub elbows and share common life. It is no uncommon sight to find four men with three different mother tongues sharing a tent together. The effect of this close companionship, this sharing of dangers in common, cannot help but breed a companionship which will do much to bring together men of different birth, breeding and social station.
Another effect of this war has been to lessen sectarian and religious differences. Protestant, Roman Catholic and Jewish organizations are working side by side in our military camps. The contributions to the work of the Knights of Columbus and of the Y. M. C. A. have come from the community as a whole. Men of different faiths have served as members of the same teams in these drives. The lessons learned in this way are not likely to be forgotten and the great charities to survive this war will probably draw their support from a wider public regardless of sectarian affiliation.
We often heard at the beginning of this conflict that it was a rich man"s war; that this country had been drawn into it through the machinations of wealthy men who wished to make more wealth through army contracts. This charge has been pretty thoroughly disproven, and now little is heard of it. The rich have proved their patriotism as conclusively as any cla.s.s in this country. They have contributed generously to our war charities, have submitted to unprecedented taxation with very little grumbling, have bought Liberty Bonds generously, and have seen their sons volunteer for military service with commendable pride. Many of our most efficient executives have contributed their time to the service of the Government. In fact, one of the most interesting and inspiring features of this war has been the service rendered by our men and women of wealth and social position.
The war is also likely to change the extent and direction of the social movements in this country. In the early days most of the charitable work in this country was directed to the amelioration of the condition of some particular group of unfortunates. A group of their compatriots in this country would form a society for the a.s.sistance of Scotch widows. No study was made of the causes of this unfortunate situation. The widows were there and their helpless condition called for aid. There was no attempt to reduce the number of widows by safeguarding the lives of their husbands. In this a.s.sistance there was much duplication as the number of these societies increased.
Then came the attempt to eliminate this waste by the formation of societies to coordinate these charitable activities in our cities.