"We have a.s.sembled to commemorate one of the epoch-making events in history. In the humblest of homes in the wilds of a new and spa.r.s.ely settled State, Abraham Lincoln was born one hundred years ago, this day.
"The twelfth day of February, like the twenty-second day of the same month, is one of the sacred days in the American calendar.
It is well that this day be set apart from ordinary uses, the headlong rush in the crowded mart suspended, the voice of fierce contention in legislative halls be hushed, and that the American people--whether at home, in foreign lands, or upon the deep--honor themselves by honoring the memory of the man of whose birth this day is the first centennial.
"This coming together is no idle ceremony, no unmeaning observance.
To this man, more than to any other, are we indebted for the supreme fact that ninety millions of people are at this hour, in the loftiest sense of the expression, fellow-citizens of a common country. Some of us, through the mists of half a century, distinctly recall the earnest tones in which Mr. Lincoln in public speech uttered the words, "My fellow-citizens." Truly the magical words "fellow-citizens" never fail to touch a responsive chord in the patriotic heart. Was it the gifted Prentiss who at a critical moment of our history exclaimed:
""For whether upon the Sabine or the St. John"s; standing in the shadow of Bunker Hill or amid the ruins of Jamestown; near the great northern lakes or within the sound of the Father of Waters flowing unvexed to the sea; in the crowded mart of the great metropolis or upon the western verge of the continent, where the restless tide of emigration is stayed only by the ocean--everywhere upon this broad domain, thank G.o.d, I can still say "fellow-citizens"!"
"Let us pause for a moment and briefly note some of the marvellous results wrought out by the toil, strife, and sacrifice of the century whose close we commemorate. The Year of Our Lord 1809 was one of large place in history. The author of the Declaration of Independence was upon the eve of final retirement from public place, and the Presidential term of James Madison just beginning, when in a log cabin near the western verge of civilization the eyes of Abraham Lincoln first opened upon the world. The vast area stretching from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean was under the dominion of Spain. Two decades only had pa.s.sed since the establishment of the United States Government under the Federal Const.i.tution, and the inauguration of Washington as its first President. Lewis and Clark had but recently returned from the now historic expedition to the Columbia and the Oregon,--an expedition fraught with momentous consequences to the oncoming generations of the Republic. Only five years had pa.s.sed since President Jefferson had purchased, for fifteen millions of dollars from Napoleon Bonaparte, the Louisiana country, extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the frozen lakes, out of which were to be carved sixteen magnificent States to become enduring parts of the American Republic. From the early Colonial settlements that fringed the Atlantic, a tide of hardy emigration was setting in to the westward, and, regardless of privation or danger, laying the sure foundation of future commonwealths. Four States only had been admitted into the Federal Union, and the population of the entire country was less than that of the State of New York to-day. This same year witnessed the first organization of Illinois into a distinct political community and its creation, by act of Congress, as the Territory of Illinois, with a white population less than one-twentieth of that of this good county to-day. The United States having barely escaped a war with France,--our ally in securing our independence,--was earnestly struggling for distinct place among the nations.
"No less significant, and fraught with deep consequences, were events occurring in the Old Worlds. The year 1809 witnessed the birth of Darwin and Gladstone. The despotism of the Dark Ages still brooded over Continental Europe, and whatever savored of popular public rule--even in its mildest form--was yet in the distant future. Alexander the First was on the throne of Russia,-- and her millions of serfs were oppressed as by the iron hand of the Caesars. The splendid German Empire of to-day had no place on the map of the world; its present powerful const.i.tuencies were antagonistic provinces and warring independent cities. Napoleon Bonaparte--"calling Fate into the lists"--by a succession of victories unparalleled in history had overturned thrones, compelled kings upon bended knee to sue for peace, and subst.i.tuted those of his own household for dynasties that reached back the entire length of human history. With his star still in the ascendant, disturbed by no forecast of the horrid nightmare of the retreat from Moscow, "with legions scattered by the artillery of the snows and the cavalry of the winds," tortured by no dream of Leipsic, of Elba, of Waterloo, of St. Helena, he was still the "man of destiny,"
--relentlessly pursuing the _ignis fatuus_ of universal empire.
"The year that witnessed the birth of Abraham Lincoln witnessed the gathering of the disturbing elements that were to precipitate the second war with the mother country. England--with George the Third still upon the throne--by insulting and cruel search of American vessels upon the high seas, was rendering inevitable the declaration of war by Congress,--a war of humiliation upon our part by the disgraceful surrender of Hull at Detroit and the wanton burning of our Capitol, but crowned with honor by the naval victories of Lawrence, Decatur, and Perry, and eventually terminated by the capture of the British army at New Orleans. As an object lesson of the marvels of the closing century, an event of such momentous consequence to the world as the formulation of the Treaty of Ghent, by which peace was restored between England and America, would to-day be known at every fireside a few hours after its occurrence. And yet, within the now closing century, the battle of New Orleans was fought twenty-three days after the Treaty of Ghent, coming by slow-sailing vessels across the Atlantic, had received the signature of our commissioners; all unsettled accounts squared eternally between America and Great Britain; and the United States, by valor no less than by diplomacy, exalted to honored and enduring place among the nations.
"The fifty-six years that compa.s.sed the life of Abraham Lincoln were years of transcendent significance to our country. While he was yet in his rude cradle the African slave trade had just terminated by const.i.tutional inhibition. While Lincoln was still in attendance upon the old field school, Henry Clay--yet to be known as the "great pacificator"--was pressing the admission of Missouri into the Union under the first compromise upon the question of slavery since the adoption of the Federal Const.i.tution. From the establishment of the Government the question of human slavery was the one perilous question,--the one constant menace to national unity, until its final extinction amid the flames of war.
Marvellous to man are the purposes of the Almighty. What seer could have foretold that, from this humblest of homes upon the frontier, was to spring the man who at the crucial moment should cut the Gordian knot, liberate a race, and give to the ages enlarged and grander conception of the deathless principles of the declaration of human rights?
""Often do the spirits of great events Stride on before the events, And in to-day already walks to-morrow."
"The first inauguration of President Lincoln noted the hour of breaking with the past. It was a period of gloom, when the very foundations were shaken, when no man could foretell the happening of the morrow, when strong men trembled at the possibility of the destruction of our Government.
"Pause a moment, and recall the man who, under the conditions mentioned, on the fourth of March, 1861, entered upon the duties of the great office to which he had been chosen. He came from the common walks of life--from what, in other countries, would be called the great middle cla.s.s. His early home was one of the humblest, where he was a stranger to the luxuries and to many of the ordinary comforts of life. His opportunities for education were only such as were common in the remote habitations of our Western country one century ago.
"Under such conditions, began a career which in grandeur and achievement has but a single counterpart in our history. And what a splendid commentary this upon our free inst.i.tutions,--upon the sublime underlying principle of popular government! How inspiring to the youth of high aims every incident of the pathway that led from the frontier cabin to the Executive Mansion,--from the humblest position to the most exalted yet attained by man! In no other country than ours could such attainment have been possible for the boy whose hands were inured to toil, whose bread was eaten under the hard conditions that poverty imposes, whose only heritage was brain, integrity, lofty ambition, and indomitable purpose.
Let it never be forgotten that the man of whom I speak possessed an integrity that could know no temptation, a purity of life that was never questioned, a patriotism that no sectional lines could limit, and a fixedness of purpose that knew no shadow of turning.
"The decade extending from our first treaty of peace with Great Britain to the inauguration of Washington has been truly denominated the critical period of our history. The eloquence of Adams and Henry had precipitated revolution; the unfaltering courage of Washington and his comrades had secured independence; but the more difficult task of garnering up the fruits of victory by stable government was yet to be achieved. The hour for the constructive statesman had arrived, and James Madison and his a.s.sociates, equal to the great emergency, formulated the Federal Const.i.tution.
"No less critical was the period that bounded the active life of the man whose memory we honor to-day. One perilous question to national unity which for nearly three-quarters of a century had been the subject of repeated compromise by patriotic statesmen; the apple of discord producing sectional antagonism, whose shadow had darkened our national pathway from the beginning,--was now for weal or woe to find determination. Angry debate in the Senate and upon the forum was now hushed, and the supreme question that took hold of national life was to find enduring arbitrament in the dread tribunal of war.
"It was well that in such an hour, with such tremendous issues in the balance, a steady hand was at the helm; that a conservative statesman--one whose mission was to save, not to destroy--was in the high place of responsibility and power. It booted little then that he was untaught of schools, unskilled in the ways of courts, but it was of supreme moment that he could touch responsive chords in the great American heart, all-important that his very soul yearned for the preservation of the Government established through the toil and sacrifice of the generation that had gone. How hopeless the Republic in that dark hour, had its destiny hung upon the statecraft of Talleyrand, the eloquence of Mirabeau, or the genius of Napoleon! It was fortunate indeed that the ark of our covenant was then borne by the plain, brave man of conciliatory spirit and kind words, whose heart, as Emerson has said, "was as large as the world, but nowhere had room for the memory of a wrong."
"n.o.bler words have never fallen from human lips than the closing sentences of his first inaugural uttered on one of the pivotal days of human history, immediately after taking the oath to preserve, protect, and defend his country:
""I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. Though pa.s.sion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.
The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot"s grave to every heart and hearthstone of this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when touched as they will be by the better angels of our nature."
"In the light of what we now know so well, nothing is hazarded in saying that the death of no man has been to his country so irreparable a loss, or one so grievous to be borne, as that of Abraham Lincoln. When Washington died his work was done, his life well rounded out. Save one, the years allotted had been pa.s.sed.
Not so with Lincoln. To him a grander task was yet in waiting, one no other could so well perform. The a.s.sa.s.sin"s pistol proved the veritable Pandora"s box from which sprung evils untold,--whose consequences have never been measured.--to one-third of the States of our Union. But for his untimely death how the current of history might have been changed,--and many a sad chapter remained unwritten!
How earnestly he desired a restored Union, and that the blessings of peace and of concord should be the common heritage of every section, is known to all.
"When in the loom of time have such words been heard above the din of fierce conflict as his sublime utterances but a brief time before his tragic death--
""With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as G.o.d gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation"s wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve a lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations."
"No fitter occasion than this can ever arise in which to refer to two historical events that at crucial moments tested to the utmost the safe and far-seeing statesmanship of President Lincoln.
The first was the seizure upon the high seas of Mason and Slidell, the accredited representatives from the Southern Confederacy to the courts of England and France, respectively. The seizure was in November, 1861, by Captain Wilkes of our navy; and the envoys named were taken by him from the _Trent,_ a mail-carrying steamer of the British Government. The act of Captain Wilkes met with enthusiastic commendation throughout the entire country; he was voted the thanks of Congress, and his act publicly approved by the Secretary of the Navy.
"The demand by the British government for reparation upon the part of the United States was prompt and explicit. The perils that then environed us were such as rarely shadow the pathway of nations.
Save Russia alone, our Government had no friend among the crowned heads of Europe. Menaced by the peril of the recognition of the Southern Confederacy by England and France, with the very stars apparently warring against us in their courses, the position of the President was in the last degree trying. To surrender the Confederate envoys was in a measure humiliating and in opposition to the popular impulse; their retention, the signal for the probable recognition of the Southern Confederacy by the European powers, and the certain and immediate declaration of war by England.
"The good genius of President Lincoln--rather his wise, just, far-seeing statesmanship--stood him well in hand at the critical moment. Had a rash and impulsive man then held the executive office, what a sea of troubles might have overwhelmed us! How the entire current of our history might have been changed!
"The calm, wise President, in his council chamber, aided by his closest official adviser, Secretary Seward, discerned clearly the path of national safety and of honor. None the less was the act of the President one of justice, one that will abide the sure test of time. Upon the real ground that the seizure of the envoys was in violation of the Law of Nations, they were eventually surrendered, and war with England, as well as the immediate danger of recognition of the Confederacy, averted. Let it not be forgotten that this very act of President Lincoln was a triumphant vindication of our Government in its second war with Great Britain--a war waged as a protest on our part against British seizure and impressment of American citizens upon the high seas.
"The other incident, to which I briefly refer, was the proclamation of emanc.i.p.ation. As a war measure of stupendous significance in the national defence, as well as of justice to the enslaved, such proclamation, immediate in time and radical in terms, had to greater or less degree been urged upon the President from the outbreak of the Rebellion. That slavery was to perish amid the great upheaval became in time the solemn conviction of all thoughtful men. Meanwhile there were divided counsels among the earnest supporters of the President as to the time the masterful act "that could know no backward steps" should be taken. Unmoved amid divided counsels, and at times fierce dissensions, the calm, far-seeing executive, upon whom was cast the tremendous responsibility, patiently bided his time. Events that are now the masterful theme of history crowded in rapid succession, the opportune moment arrived, the hour struck, the proclamation that has no counterpart fell upon the ears of the startled world, and, as by the interposition of a mightier hand, a race was lifted out of the depths of bondage.
"To the one man at the helm it seemed to have been given to know the day and the hour. At the crucial moment, in one of the exalted days of human history,
""He sounded forth the trumpet that has never called retreat."
"The men who knew Abraham Lincoln, who saw him face to face, who heard his voice in public a.s.semblage, have with few exceptions pa.s.sed to the grave. Another generation is upon the busy stage.
The book has forever closed upon the dreadful pageant of civil strife. Sectional animosities, thank G.o.d, belong now only to the past. The mantle of Peace is over our entire land, and prosperity within our borders.
""The war-drum throbs no longer, And the battle flags are furled In the parliament of men, The federation of the world."
"Through the instrumentality, in no small measure, of the man whose memory we now honor, the Government established by our fathers, untouched by the finger of Time, has descended to us. The responsibility of its preservation and transmission rests upon the successive generations as they come and go. To-day, at this auspicious hour sacred to the memory of Lincoln, let us, his countrymen, inspired by the sublime lessons of his wondrous life, and grateful to G.o.d for all He has vouchsafed to our fathers and to us in the past, take courage and turn our faces resolutely, hopefully, trustingly to the future. I know of no words more fitting with which to close this humble tribute to the memory of Abraham Lincoln, than those inscribed upon the monument of Moliere:
""Nothing was wanting to his glory; he was wanting to ours.""
VII STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS
DOUGLAS"S HARDSHIPS IN YOUTH--HE IS ADMITTED TO THE BAR--JACKSON"S TRIUMPH OVER ADAMS IN 1828--DOUGLAS ENTERS THE ARENA OF DEBATE AT THE AGE OF 22--BECOMES ATTORNEY-GENERAL--CHOSEN TO THE TENTH GENERAL a.s.sEMBLY OF ILLINOIS--BECOMES SECRETARY OF STATE IN ILLINOIS --DEFENDS JACKSON"S DECLARATION OF MARTIAL LAW AT NEW ORLEANS-- TAKES PART IN THE OREGON BOUNDARY DEBATE--ADVOCATES THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS--IS ELECTED TO THE SENATE--ADVOCATES THE ADMISSION OF CALIFORNIA AS A FREE STATE--HE PROCURES A LAND GRANT TO THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL RAILROAD COMPANY--IN DEBATING THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL HE CONTENDS FOR POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY--ORIGIN OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY --DOUGLAS LOSES THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE SOUTH--DEBATES BETWEEN DOUGLAS AND LINCOLN--LINCOLN"S EARLY HISTORY--DOUGLAS"S REASONS FOR ADVOCATING POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY--LINCOLN"S REPLY--THE SLAVERY QUESTION --THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY RENT ASUNDER--CONSEQUENT FAILURE OF DOUGLAS TO WIN THE PRESIDENCY--HIS DEATH.
History has been defined, "the sum of the biographies of a few strong men." Much that is of profound and abiding interest in American history during the two decades immediately preceding our Civil War is bound up in the biography of the strong man of whom I write. Chief among the actors, his place was near the middle of the stage during that eventful and epoch-making period.
Stephen A. Douglas was born in Brandon, Vermont, April 23, 1813, and died in Chicago, Illinois, June 3, 1861. Between the dates given lie the years that up a crowded, eventful life. Left penniless by the death of his father, he was at a tender age dependent upon his own exertions for maintenance and education. At the age of fifteen he apprenticed himself to a cabinet-maker in the town of Middlebury in his native State. Naturally of delicate organization, he was unable long to endure the physical strain of this calling, and at the close of two years" service he returned to his early home.
Entering an academy in Brandon, he there for a time pursued with reasonable diligence the studies preparatory to a higher course.
Supplementing the education thus acquired, by a brief course of study in an academy at Canandaigua, New York, at the age of twenty he turned his footsteps westward.
One of his biographers says:
"It is doubtful if among all the thousands who in those early days were constantly faring westward from New England, Virginia, and the Carolinas, there ever was a youth more resolutely and boldly addressed to opportunity than he. Penniless, broken in health, almost diminutive in physical stature, and unknown, he made his way successively to Cincinnati, Louisville, and St. Louis, in search of employment, literally of bread."
By a sudden turn in fortune"s wheel his lot was cast in Central Illinois, where his first vocation was that of teacher of a village school. Yet later--after laborious application--admitted to the bar, he courageously entered upon his marvellous career.
His home was Jacksonville, and to the hardy pioneers of Morgan and neighboring counties, it was soon revealed that notwithstanding his slight stature and boyish appearance the youthful Douglas was at once to be taken fully into the account. Self-reliant to the very verge, he unhesitatingly entered the arena of active professional and political strife with foemen worthy the steel of veterans at the bar, and upon the hustings.
The issues were sharply drawn between the two political parties then struggling for ascendancy, and Central Illinois was the home of as brilliant an array of gifted leaders as the Whig party at any time in its palmiest days had known. Hardin, Stuart, Browning, Logan, Baker, Lincoln were just then upon the threshold of careers that have given their names honored and enduring place upon the pages of our history. Into the safe keeping of the leaders just named, were entrusted in large degree the advocacy of the principles of the now historic party, and the political fortunes of its great chieftain, Henry Clay.
As is well known, the princ.i.p.al antagonist of the renowned Whig chieftain was Andrew Jackson. Earlier in their political careers, both had been earnest supporters of the administration of President Monroe, but at its close the leaders last named, with Adams and Crawford, were aspirants to the great office. No candidate receiving a majority of the electoral votes and the selection by Const.i.tutional requirement devolving upon the House of Representatives, Mr. Adams was eventually chosen. His election over his princ.i.p.al compet.i.tor, General Jackson, was largely through the influence of Mr. Clay; and the subsequent acceptance by the latter of the office of Secretary of State gave rise to the unfounded but vehement cry of "Bargain and corruption," which followed the Kentucky statesman through two presidential struggles of later periods, and died wholly away only when the clods had fallen upon his grave.
Triumphant in his candidacy over Adams in 1828, President Jackson, four years later, encountered as his formidable compet.i.tor his colossal antagonist--the one man for whom he had no forgiveness, even when the shadows were gathering about his own couch.
"The early and better days of the Republic" is by no means an unusual expression in the political literature of our day. Possibly all the generations of men have realized the significance of the words of the great bard: