"I am particularly happy to a.s.sist on this occasion, because I think that the accession of the present King is a marked and important era in English history. Another coronation has taken place since I have been in the world, but I never a.s.sisted at its celebration. I saw in it a change of masters, not a change of system. I did not understand the joy which it occasioned. I did not feel it, and I did not counterfeit what I did not feel.
"I think very differently of the accession of his present Majesty. I believe I see in that accession a great probability of serious improvement, and a great increase of public happiness. The evils which have been long complained of by bold and intelligent men are now universally admitted. The public feeling, which has been so often appealed to, is now intensely excited. The remedies which have so often been called for are now, at last, vigorously, wisely, and faithfully applied, I admire, gentlemen, in the present King, his love of peace--I admire in him his disposition to economy, and I admire in him, above all, his faithful and honourable conduct to those who happen to be his ministers. He was, I believe, quite as faithful to the Duke of Wellington as to Lord Grey, and would, I have no doubt, be quite as faithful to the political enemies of Lord Grey (if he thought fit to employ them) as he is to Lord Grey himself. There is in this reign no secret influence, no double ministry--on whomsoever he confers the office, to him he gives that confidence without which the office cannot be holden with honour, nor executed with effect. He is not only a peaceful King, and an economical King, but he is an honest King. So far, I believe, every individual of this company will go with me.
"There is an argument I have often heard, and that is this--Are we to be afraid?--is this measure to be carried by intimidation?--is the House of Lords to be overawed? But this style of argument proceeds from confounding together two sets of feelings which are entirely distinct--personal fear and political fear. If I am afraid of voting against this bill, because a mob may gather about the House of Lords--because stones may be flung at my head--because my house may be attacked by a mob, I am a poltroon, and unfit to meddle with public affairs. But I may rationally be afraid of producing great public agitation; I may be honourably afraid of flinging people into secret clubs and conspiracies--I may be wisely afraid of making the aristocracy hateful to the great body of the people. This surely has no more to do with fear than a loose ident.i.ty of name; it is in fact prudence of the highest order; the deliberate reflection of a wise man, who does not like what he is going to do, but likes still less the consequences of not doing it, and who of two evils chooses the least.
"There are some men much afraid of what is to happen; my lively hope of good is, I confess, mingled with very little apprehension; but of one thing I must be candid enough to say that I am much afraid, and that is of the opinion now increasing, that the people are become indifferent to reform; and of that opinion I am afraid, because I believe in an evil hour it may lead some misguided members of the Upper House of Parliament to vote against the bill. As for the opinion itself, I hold it in the utmost contempt. The people are waiting in virtuous patience for the completion of the bill, because they know it is in the hands of men who do not mean to deceive them. I do not believe they have given up one atom of reform--I do not believe that a great people were ever before so firmly bent upon any one measure. I put it to any man of common sense, whether he believes it possible, after the King and Parliament have acted as they have done, that the people will ever be content with much less than the present bill contains. If a contrary principle be acted upon, and the bill attempted to be got rid of altogether, I confess I tremble for the consequences, which I believe will be of the worst and most painful description; and this I say deliberately, after the most diligent and extensive enquiry. Upon that diligent enquiry I repeat again my firm conviction, that the desire of reform has increased, not diminished; that the present repose is not indifference, but the calmness of victory, and the tranquillity of success. When I see all the wishes and appet.i.tes of created beings changed,--when I see an eagle, that, after long confinement, has escaped into the air, come back to his cage and his chain,--when I see the emanc.i.p.ated negro asking again for the hoe which has broken down his strength, and the lash which has tortured his body--I will then, and not till then, believe that the English people will return to their ancient degradation--that they will hold out their repentant hands for those manacles which at this moment lie broken into links at their feet."
This fine speech was delivered at a crucial moment of the speaker"s personal fortunes. Whether he would or would not have made a good bishop, and whether the Whigs were or wore not justly chargeable with cowardice[103] in not having raised him to the Episcopal Bench, are disputable points. It seems certain, from his own declarations, that in later life he would have declined the honour; but there was a time when it might have been offered, and would probably have been accepted. When he feared that England might be dragged into war with France on behalf of Spain, he composed a skit purporting to be a Protest entered on the Journals of the Lords by the Bishop of Worcester, and signed it "Sydney Vigorn."[104] The Bishop of Worcester[105] died on the 5th of September 1831, and Lord Grey gave the vacant mitre to a Tory.[106] Sydney"s emotions are not recorded; but on the 10th of September Lord Grey offered him a Residentiary Canonry of St. Paul"s--"a snug thing, let me tell you, being worth full 2000 a year." It was not an overwhelming reward for such long and such brilliant service to the causes which Lord Grey represented, but it was a recognition--and it was enough. He was installed on the 27th of September, and on the day of his installation he wrote to a friend--"It puts me at my ease for life. I asked for nothing--never did anything shabby to procure preferment. These are pleasing recollections."
Soon afterwards, he was presented on his appointment, and met with a misadventure at the Palace.--
"I went to Court, and, horrible to relate, with strings to my shoes instead of buckles--not from Jacobinism, but ignorance. I saw two or three Tory lords looking at me with dismay, was informed by the Clerk of the Closet of my sin, and, gathering my sacerdotal petticoats about me (like a lady conscious of thick ankles) I escaped further observation."
[83] Francis Wrangham (1769-1842), Archdeacon of Cleveland.
[84] William Vernon-Harcourt {1789-1871}, father of Sir William Vernon-Harcourt, M.P.
[85] Patrick Duigenan (1735-1816), LL.D., M.P. for the City of Armagh, and Protestant agitator.
[86] The _Yorkshire Gazette_ for April 12, 1823, contains a long letter from "A North Riding Clergyman," protesting against the language used by Sydney Smith. This clergyman states that the report of the meeting at Thirsk, given by the _York Herald_ of March 29, was "unquestionably by the Minority themselves." It "professes to be a sketch of what was said and done at the meeting of the North Riding Clergy. Then the public is favoured with three considerable speeches, filling three close columns of a newspaper, on the one side; and not with three lines, nay, not with one, of anything said on the other side.... Surely the whole of the twenty-two clergyman who differed from the ten were not so astounded by the eloquence and display of their opponents as to remain absolutely speechless." It is further said that "on the present occasion, and after a.s.suring his learned brethren that he was not going to inflict upon them a speech, and some other remarks of similar accuracy, Mr. Smith immediately harangues them in a vehement and long speech; during which, with firm resolve, it may seem, not to possess either "overheated mind" or body, he nearly exhausted the "Three Tuns" of water," For this quotation, and for the date of the meeting, which had been erroneously stated by previous writers, I am indebted to the courtesy of Mr. J.S.R.
Phillips, editor of the _Yorkshire Post_.
[87] (1808-1889): became 8th Earl of Carlisle in 1864 The Rev. Richard Wilton, Canon of York and Rector of Londesborough, wrote in 1895:--"My former venerable friend, the oldest inhabitant, gave me some graphic descriptions of Sydney Smith"s visit to the parish once or twice a year, and the interest which was felt in the village when he drove over from Foston, his other living, to preach an occasional sermon at Londesborough. His reading, and manner in the pulpit, were described to me as having been "bold and impressive." As soon as the sermon was over, he would hasten out of the church along with his hearers, and chat with the farmers about their turnips, or cattle, or corn-crops, being anxious to utilize his scant opportunities of conversing with his parishioners.... There was until lately living in this parish an old man aged eighty, who was proud of telling how he was invited over to Foston to "brew for Sydney," as he affectionately called him."
[88] Mr. Stuart Reid gives to this curious name the more impressive form of Mayelstone.
[89] As Earl Marshal.
[90] "Thurloe writes to Henry Cromwell to _catch_ up some thousand Irish boys, to send to the colonies. Henry writes back he has done so; and desires to know whether his Highness would choose as many girls to be caught up: and he add, "doubtless it is a business in which G.o.d will appear." Suppose _b.l.o.o.d.y Queen Mary_ had caught up and transported three or four thousand Protestant boys and girls from the three Ridings of Yorkshire!!!!!! S.S."
[91] John Singleton Copley (1772-1863).
[92] _Endymion_, vol. I. chapter vi.
[93] The special services for "Gunpowder Treason" and other State Holy Days were discontinued by Royal Warrant in 1859.
[94] From Col. iii. 12, 13--"Put on, as the elect of G.o.d, kindness, humbleness of mind, meekness, long-suffering; forbearing one another, and forgiving one another."
[95] This apologue (which, the preacher thought, "would make a charming and useful placard against the bigoted") occurs in the _Liberty of Prophesying_, and has been traced to Gentius, the Latin translator of Saadi.
[96] "Having become a King"s Scholar, the hardships and cruelties he suffered, as a junior boy, from his f.a.g-master, were such as at one time very nearly forced us to remove him from the school. He was taken home for a short period, to recover from his bruises, and restore his eye. His first act, on becoming Captain himself, was to endeavour to ameliorate the condition of the juniors, and to obtain additional comforts for them from the Head Master."--_From Mrs, Sydney Smith"s Journal_.
[97] Two donkeys, which were disguised as deer for the astonishment of visitors.
[98] The Roman Catholic Emanc.i.p.ation Bill had become law on the 13th of April 1829.
[99] Charles, 2nd Earl Grey (1764-1846).
[100] Sir Charles Wetherell (1770-1846), Attorney-General, and Recorder of Bristol.
[101] Michael Thomas Sadler (1780-1835), M.P. for Newark.
[102] This is the "Speech respecting the Reform Bill" in Sydney Smith"s Collected Works.
[103] Lord Houghton wrote in 1873--"I heard Lord Melbourne say, "Sydney Smith has done more for the Whigs than all the clergy put together, and our not making him a bishop was mere cowardice."
[104] The archaic signature of the Bishops of Worcester. Mrs. Austin transcribes it "Vigour," and puts the Protest among the letters of 1831. Sir Spencer Walpole points out that it probably belongs to the year 1823, when Lord Ellenborough moved an Address to the Crown in favour of intervention in Spain.
[105] Ffolliot H.-W. Cornewall (1754-1831).
[106] Robert James Carr (1774-1841). It was said that this appointment was due to a promise made by George IV., whom Dr. Carr, formerly Vicar of Brighton, had attended in his last illness.
CHAPTER VI
ST. PAUL"S--THE PARALLELOGRAM--ARCHDEACON SINGLETON--COLLECTED WORKS
Meanwhile the Reform Bill had pa.s.sed the House of Commons and was sent up to the House of Lords. In the summer, Sydney Smith had written to Lord Grey--"You may be sure that any attempt of the Lords to throw out the Bill will be the signal for the most energetic resistance from one end of the kingdom to another." The Lords faced the risk, and threw out the Bill on the 8th of October 1831.
Sydney"s prophecy was promptly justified, and the most threatening violence and disorder broke out in the great centres of industrial population. Whigs and Radicals alike rallied, as one man, to the cause of Reform. On the 11th of October a public meeting was held at Taunton to protest against the action of the Lords and express unabated confidence in the Government. It was on this occasion that Sydney Smith made the most famous of his political speeches. He deplored the collision between the two Houses of Parliament, but he was not the least alarmed about the fate of the Bill.
The Lords were no match for the forces arrayed against them.--
"As for the possibility of the House of Lords preventing for long a reform of Parliament, I hold it to be the most absurd notion that ever entered into the human imagination. I do not mean to be disrespectful, but the attempt of the Lords to stop the progress of Reform reminds me very forcibly of the great storm at Sidmouth, and of the conduct of the excellent Mrs. Partington on that occasion. In the winter of 1824, there set in a great flood upon that town--the tide rose to an incredible height--the waves rushed in upon the houses, and everything was threatened with destruction. In the midst of this sublime and terrible storm, Dame Partington, who lived upon the beach, was seen at the door of her house with mop and pattens, trundling her mop, squeezing out the sea-water, and vigorously pushing away the Atlantic Ocean. The Atlantic was roused. Mrs. Partington"s spirit was up; but I need not tell you that the contest was unequal. The Atlantic Ocean beat Mrs. Partington. She was excellent at a slop, or a puddle, but she should not have meddled with a tempest. Gentlemen, be at your ease--be quiet and steady. You will beat Mrs. Partington."
Fifty years later, an eye-witness thus described the scene:--"The introduction of the Partington storm was startling and unexpected. As he recounted in felicitous terms the adventures of the excellent dame, suiting the action to the word with great dramatic skill, he commenced trundling his imaginary mop and sweeping back the intrusive waves of the Atlantic with an air of resolute determination and an appearance of increasing temper. The scene was realistic in the extreme, and was too much for the gravity of the most serious. The house rose, the people cheered, and tears of superabundant laughter trickled down the cheeks of fair women and veteran reformers."[107]
This was his last public act in connexion with Parliamentary Reform; but the keenness of his interest remained unabated till the day was won. On the 12th of December 1831, the Reform Bill was brought in a third time. It again pa.s.sed the House of Commons, and was again threatened with destruction in the Lords. Sydney Smith wrote thus to Lord Grey:--
"I take it for granted you are prepared to make Peers, to force the measure if it fail again, and I would have this intention half-officially communicated in all the great towns before the Bill was brought in. If this is not done--I mean, if Peers are not made--there will be a general convulsion, ending in a complete revolution.... If you wish to be happy three months hence, create Peers. If you wish to avoid an old age of sorrow and reproach, create Peers."
Acting on this counsel, Lord Grey obtained the King"s written consent to the creation of as many peers as were required to carry the Bill. "I am for forty," wrote Sydney, "to make things safe in Committee." But this extreme remedy was not required. When it became known that the King had given his consent, the opposition collapsed, and the Bill received the Royal a.s.sent on the 7th of June 1832. It was, as the Duke of Wellington said, a revolution by due course of law.
Henceforward Sydney Smith appears rather as a supporter of things as they are, than as a promoter of political or ecclesiastical change. Indeed there are signs which seem to show that his stock of reforming zeal had already run low. "The New Beer Bill[108] has begun its operations. Everybody is drunk. Those who are not singing are sprawling. The Sovereign People are in a beastly state." He was now past sixty, and a spirit of amiable self-indulgence was creeping over him.--
"I love liberty, but hope it can be so managed that I shall have soft beds, good dinners, fine linen, etc., for the rest of my life. I am too old to fight or to suffer." "I am tired of liberty and revolution!
Where is it to end? Are all political agglutinations to be unglued?
Are we prepared for a second Heptarchy, and to see the King of Suss.e.x fighting with the Emperor of Ess.e.x, or marrying the Dowager Queen of Hampshire?"
Just before the first elections under the Reform Act, he wrote to a Scotch friend:--
"What oceans of absurdity and nonsense will the new liberties of Scotland disclose! Yet this is better than the old infamous jobbing, and the foolocracy under which you have so long laboured."