In the interest of our navy the government had thought it best to grant to outfitters of transport-ships a premium for every man employed on their vessels. Now, I continue to quote M. Reybaud:
On every vessel that starts for Newfoundland from sixty to seventy men embark. Of this number twelve are sailors: the balance consists of villagers s.n.a.t.c.hed from their work in the fields, who, engaged as day laborers for the preparation of fish, remain strangers to the rigging, and have nothing that is marine about them except their feet and stomach. Nevertheless, these men figure on the rolls of the naval inscription, and there perpetuate a deception. When there is occasion to defend the inst.i.tution of premiums, these are cited in its favor; they swell the numbers and contribute to success.
Base jugglery! doubtless some innocent reformer will exclaim. Be it so: but let us a.n.a.lyze the fact, and try to disengage the general idea to be found therein.
In principle the only encouragement to labor that science can admit is profit. For, if labor cannot find its reward in its own product, very far from encouraging it, it should be abandoned as soon as possible, and, if this same labor results in a net product, it is absurd to add to this net product a gratuitous gift, and thus overrate the value of the service. Applying this principle, I say then: If the merchant service calls only for ten thousand sailors, it should not be asked to support fifteen thousand; the shortest course for the government is to put five thousand conscripts on State vessels, and send them on their expeditions, like princes. Every encouragement offered to the merchant marine is a direct invitation to fraud,--what do I say?--a proposal to pay wages for an impossible service. Do the handling and discipline of vessels and all the conditions of maritime commerce accommodate themselves to these adjuncts of a useless personnel? What, then, can the ship-owner do in face of a government which offers him a bonus to embark on his vessel people of whom he has no need? If the ministry throws the money of the treasury into the street, am I guilty if I pick it up?
Thus--and it is a point worthy of notice--the theory of encouragements emanates directly from the theory of sacrifice; and, in order to avoid holding man responsible, the opponents of compet.i.tion, by the fatal contradiction of their ideas, are obliged to make him now a G.o.d, now a brute. And then they are astonished that society is not moved by their appeal! Poor children! men will never be better or worse than you see them now and than they always have been. As soon as their individual welfare solicits them, they desert the general welfare: in which I find them, if not honorable, at least worthy of excuse. It is your fault if you now demand of them more than they owe you and now stimulate their greed with rewards which they do not deserve.
Man has nothing more precious than himself, and consequently no other law than his responsibility. The theory of self-sacrifice, like that of rewards, is a theory of rogues, subversive of society and morality; and by the very fact that you look either to sacrifice or to privilege for the maintenance of order, you create a new antagonism in society. Instead of causing the birth of harmony from the free activity of persons, you render the individual and the State strangers to each other; in commanding union, you breathe discord.
To sum up, outside of compet.i.tion there remains but this alternative,-- encouragement, which is a mystification, or sacrifice, which is hypocrisy.
Therefore compet.i.tion, a.n.a.lyzed in its principle, is an inspiration of justice; and yet we shall see that compet.i.tion, in its results, is unjust.
% 2.--Subversive effects of compet.i.tion, and the destruction of liberty thereby.
The kingdom of heaven suffereth violence, says the Gospel, and the violent take it by force. These words are the allegory of society. In society regulated by labor, dignity, wealth, and glory are objects of compet.i.tion; they are the reward of the strong, and compet.i.tion may be defined as the regime of force.
The old economists did not at first perceive this contradiction: the moderns have been forced to recognize it.
"To elevate a State from the lowest degree of barbarism to the highest degree of opulence," wrote A. Smith, "but three things are necessary,-- peace, moderate taxes, and a tolerable administration of justice. All the rest is brought about by the NATURAL COURSE OF THINGS."
On which the last translator of Smith, M. Blanqui, lets fall this gloomy comment:
We have seen the natural course of things produce disastrous effects, and create anarchy in production, war for markets, and piracy in compet.i.tion. The division of labor and the perfecting of machinery, which should realize for the great working family of the human race the conquest of a certain amount of leisure to the advantage of its dignity, have produced at many points nothing but degradation and misery. . . . . When A. Smith wrote, liberty had not yet come with its embarra.s.sments and its abuses, and the Glasgow professor foresaw only its blessings. . . Smith would have written like M. de Sismondi, if he had been a witness of the sad condition of Ireland and the manufacturing districts of England in the times in which we live.
Now then, litterateurs, statesmen, daily publicists, believers and half-believers, all you who have taken upon yourselves the mission of indoctrinating men, do you hear these words which one would take for a translation from Jeremiah? Will you tell us at last to what end you pretend to be conducting civilization? What advice do you offer to society, to the country, in alarm?
But to whom do I speak? Ministers, journalists, s.e.xtons, and pedants! Do such people trouble themselves about the problems of social economy? Have they ever heard of compet.i.tion?
A citizen of Lyons, a soul hardened to mercantile war, travelled in Tuscany. He observes that from five to six hundred thousand straw hats are made annually in that country, the aggregate value of which amounts to four or five millions of francs. This industry is almost the sole support of the people of the little State. "How is it," he says to himself, "that so easily conducted a branch of agriculture and manufactures has not been transported into Provence and Languedoc, where the climate is the same as in Tuscany?" But, thereupon observes an economist, if the industry of the peasants of Tuscany is taken from them, how will they contrive to live?
The manufacture of black silks had become for Florence a specialty the secret of which she guarded preciously.
A shrewd Lyons manufacturer, the tourist notices with satisfaction, has come to set up an establishment in Florence, and has finally got possession of the peculiar processes of dyeing and weaving. Probably this DISCOVERY will diminish Florentine exportation.--A Journey in Italy, by M. Fulchiron.
Formerly the breeding of the silk-worm was abandoned to the peasants of Tuscany; whom it aided to live.
Agricultural societies have been formed; they have represented that the silk-worm, in the peasant"s sleeping-room, did not get sufficient ventilation or sufficient steadiness of temperature, or as good care as it would have if the laborers who breed them made it their sole business. Consequently rich, intelligent, and generous citizens have built, amid the applause of the public, what are called bigattieres (from bigatti, silk-worm).--M. de Sismondi.
And then, you ask, will these breeders of silk-worms, these manufacturers of silks and hats, lose their work? Precisely: it will even be proved to them that it is for their interest that they should, since they will be able to buy the same products for less than it costs them to manufacture them. Such is compet.i.tion.
Compet.i.tion, with its homicidal instinct, takes away the bread of a whole cla.s.s of laborers, and sees in it only an improvement, a saving; it steals a secret in a cowardly manner, and glories in it as a DISCOVERY; it changes the natural zones of production to the detriment of an entire people, and pretends to have done nothing but utilize the advantages of its climate. Compet.i.tion overturns all notions of equity and justice; it increases the real cost of production by needlessly multiplying the capital invested, causes by turns the dearness of products and their depreciation, corrupts the public conscience by putting chance in the place of right, and maintains terror and distrust everywhere.
But what! Without this atrocious characteristic, compet.i.tion would lose its happiest effects; without the arbitrary element in exchange and the panics of the market, labor would not continually build factory against factory, and, not being maintained in such good working order, production would realize none of its marvels. After having caused evil to arise from the very utility of its principle, compet.i.tion again finds a way to extract good from evil; destruction engenders utility, equilibrium is realized by agitation, and it may be said of compet.i.tion, as Samson said of the lion which he had slain: De comedente cibus exiit, et de forti dulcedo. Is there anything, in all the spheres of human knowledge, more surprising than political economy?
Let us take care, nevertheless, not to yield to an impulse of irony, which would be on our part only unjust invective. It is characteristic of economic science to find its certainty in its contradictions, and the whole error of the economists consists in not having understood this. Nothing poorer than their criticism, nothing more saddening than their mental confusion, as soon as they touch this question of compet.i.tion: one would say that they were witnesses forced by torture to confess what their conscience would like to conceal. The reader will take it kindly if I put before his eyes the arguments for laissez-pa.s.ser, introducing him, so to speak, into the presence of a secret meeting of economists.
M. Dunoyer opens the discussion.
Of all the economists M. Dunoyer has most energetically embraced the positive side of compet.i.tion, and consequently, as might have been expected, most ineffectually grasped the negative side. M.
Dunoyer, with whom nothing can be done when what he calls principles are under discussion, is very far from believing that in matters of political economy yes and no may be true at the same moment and to the same extent; let it be said even to his credit, such a conception is the more repugnant to him because of the frankness and honesty with which he holds his doctrines.
What would I not give to gain an entrance into this pure but so obstinate soul for this truth as certain to me as the existence of the sun,--that all the categories of political economy are contradictions! Instead of uselessly exhausting himself in reconciling practice and theory; instead of contenting himself with the ridiculous excuse that everything here below has its advantages and its inconveniences,--M. Dunoyer would seek the synthetic idea which solves all the antinomies, and, instead of the paradoxical conservative which he now is, he would become with us an inexorable and logical revolutionist.
"If compet.i.tion is a false principle," says M. Dunoyer, "it follows that for two thousand years humanity has been pursuing the wrong road."
No, what you say does not follow, and your prejudicial remark is refuted by the very theory of progress. Humanity posits its principles by turns, and sometimes at long intervals: never does it give them up in substance, although it destroys successively their expressions and formulas. This destruction is called NEGATION; because the general reason, ever progressive, continually denies the completeness and sufficiency of its prior ideas. Thus it is that, compet.i.tion being one of the periods in the const.i.tution of value, one of the elements of the social synthesis, it is true to say at the same time that it is indestructible in its principle, and that nevertheless in its present form it should be abolished, denied. If, then, there is any one here who is in opposition to history, it is you.
I have several remarks to make upon the accusations of which compet.i.tion has been the object. The first is that this regime, good or bad, ruinous or fruitful, does not really exist as yet; that it is established nowhere except in a partial and most incomplete manner.
This first observation has no sense. COMPEt.i.tION KILLS COMPEt.i.tION, as we said at the outset; this aphorism may be taken for a definition. How, then, could compet.i.tion ever be complete?
Moreover, though it should be admitted that compet.i.tion does not yet exist in its integrity, that would simply prove that compet.i.tion does not act with all the power of elimination that there is in it; but that will not change at all its contradictory nature. What need have we to wait thirty centuries longer to find out that, the more compet.i.tion develops, the more it tends to reduce the number of compet.i.tors?
The second is that the picture drawn of it is unfaithful; and that sufficient heed is not paid to the extension which the general welfare has undergone, including even that of the laboring cla.s.ses.
If some socialists fail to recognize the useful side of compet.i.tion, you on your side make no mention of its pernicious effects. The testimony of your opponents coming to complete your own, compet.i.tion is shown in the fullest light, and from a double falsehood we get the truth as a result. As for the gravity of the evil, we shall see directly what to think about that.
The third is that the evil experienced by the laboring cla.s.ses is not referred to its real causes.
If there are other causes of poverty than compet.i.tion, does that prevent it from contributing its share? Though only one manufacturer a year were ruined by compet.i.tion, if it were admitted that this ruin is the necessary effect of the principle, compet.i.tion, as a principle, would have to be rejected.
The fourth is that the princ.i.p.al means proposed for obviating it would be inexpedient in the extreme.
Possibly: but from this I conclude that the inadequacy of the remedies proposed imposes a new duty upon you,--precisely that of seeking the most expedient means of preventing the evil of compet.i.tion.
The fifth, finally, is that the real remedies, in so far as it is possible to remedy the evil by legislation, would be found precisely in the regime which is accused of having produced it,--that is, in a more and more real regime of liberty and compet.i.tion.