On the 27th occurred the debate on the Land question, which revealed the differences between the agrarian programme of the Bolsheviki and the Left Socialist Revolutionaries.
Kolchinsky, for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, outlined the history of the Land question during the Revolution. The first Congress of Peasants" Soviets, he said, had voted a precise and formal resolution in favour of putting the landed estates immediately into the hands of the Land Committees. But the directors of the Revolution, and the bourgeois in the Government, had insisted that the question could not be solved until the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly met.... The second period of the Revolution, the period of "compromise,"was signalled by the entrance of Tchernov into the Cabinet. The peasants were convinced that now the practical solution of the Land question would begin; but in spite of the imperative decision of the first Peasant Congress, the reactionaries and conciliators in the Executive Committee had prevented any action. This policy provoked a series of agrarian disorders, which appeared as the natural expression of impatience and thwarted energy on the part of the peasants. The peasants understood the exact meaning of the Revolution-they tried to turn words into action....
"The recent events," said the orator, "do not indicate a simple riot, or a "Bolshevik adventure," but on the contrary, a real popular rising, which has been greeted with sympathy by the whole country....
"The Bolsheviki in general took the correct att.i.tude toward the Land question; but in recommending that the peasants seize the land by force, they committed a profound error.... From the first days, the Bolsheviki declared that the peasants should take over the land "by revolutionary ma.s.saction." This is nothing but anarchy; the land can be taken over in an organised manner.... For the Bolsheviki it was important that the problems of the Revolution should be solved in the quickest possible manner-but the Bolsheviki were not interested in how these problems were to be solved....
"The Land decree of the Congress of Soviets is identical in its fundamentals with the decisions of the first Peasants" Congress. Why then did not the new Government follow the tactics outlined by that Congress? Because the Council of People"s Commissars wanted to hasten the settlement of the Land question, so that the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly would have nothing to do....
"But also the Government saw that it was necessary to adopt practical measures, so without further reflection, it adopted the Regulations for Land Committees, thus creating a strange situation; for the Council of People"s Commissars abolished private property in land, but the Regulations drawn up by the Land Committees are based on private property.... However, no harm has been done by that; for the Land Committees are paying no attention to the Soviet decrees, but are putting into operation their own practical decisions-decisions based on the will of the vast majority of the peasants....
"These Land Committees are not attempting the legislative solution of the Land question, which belongs to the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly alone.... But will the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly desire to do the will of the Russian peasants? Of that we cannot be sure.... All we can be sure of is that the revolutionary determination of the peasants is now aroused, and that the Const.i.tuent will be forced to settle the Land question the way the peasants want it settled.... The Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly will not dare to break with the will of the people...."
Followed him Lenin, listened to now with absorbing intensity. "At this moment we are not only trying to solve the Land question, but the question of Social Revolution-not only here in Russia, but all over the world. The Land question cannot be solved independently of the other problems of the Social Revolution.... For example, the confiscation of the landed estates will provoke the resistance not only of Russian land-owners, but also of foreign capital-with whom the great landed properties are connected through the intermediary of the banks....
"The ownership of the land in Russia is the basis for immense oppression, and the confiscation of the land by the peasants is the most important step of our Revolution. But it cannot be separated from the other steps, as is clearly manifested by the stages through which the Revolution has had to pa.s.s. The first stage was the crushing of autocracy and the crushing of the power of the industrial capitalists and land-owners, whose interests are closely related. The second stage was the strengthening of the Soviets and the political compromise with the bourgeoisie. The mistake of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries lies in the fact that at that time they did not oppose the policy of compromise, because they held the theory that the consciousness of the ma.s.ses was not yet fully developed....
_"If Socialism can only be realised when the intellectual development of all the people permits it, then we shall not see Socialism for at least five hundred years_.... The Socialist political party-this is the vanguard of the working-cla.s.s; it must not allow itself to be halted by the lack of education of the ma.s.s average, but it must lead the ma.s.ses, using the Soviets as organs of revolutionary initiative.... But in order to lead the wavering, the comrades Left Socialist Revolutionaries themselves must stop hesitating....
"In July last a series of open breaks began between the popular ma.s.ses and the "compromisers"; but now, in November, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries are still holding out their hand to Avksentiev, who is pulling the people with his little finger.... If Compromise continues, the Revolution disappears. No compromise with the bourgeoisie is possible; its power must be absolutely crushed....
"We Bolsheviki have not changed our Land programme; we have not given up the abolition of private property in the land, and we do not intend to do so. We adopted the Regulations for Land Committees,-which are not based on private property at all-because we want to accomplish the popular will in the way the people have themselves decided to do it, so as to draw closer the coalition of all the elements who are fighting for the Social Revolution.
"We invite the Left Socialist Revolutionaries to enter that coalition, insisting, however, that they cease looking backward, and that they break with the "conciliators" of their party....
"As far as the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly is concerned, it is true, as the preceding speaker has said, that the work of the Const.i.tuent will depend on the revolutionary determination of the ma.s.ses. I say, "Count on that revolutionary determination, but don"t forget your gun!""
Lenin then read the Bolshevik resolution: The Peasants" Congress, fully supporting the Land decree of November 8th... approves of the Provisional Workers" and Peasants" Government of the Russian Republic, established by the second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers" and Soldiers" Deputies.
The Peasants" Congress... invites all peasants unanimously to sustain that law, and to apply it immediately themselves; and at the same time invites the peasants to appoint to posts and positions of responsibility only persons who have proved, not by words but by acts, their entire devotion to the interests of the exploited peasant-workers, their desire and their ability to defend these interests against all resistance on the part of the great land-owners, the capitalists, their partisans and accomplices....
The Peasants" Congress, at the same time, expresses its conviction that the complete realisation of all the measures which make up the Land decree can only be successful through the triumph of the Workers" Social Revolution, which began November 7th, 1917; for only the Social Revolution can accomplish the definite transfer, without possibility of return, of the land to the peasant-workers, the confiscation of model farms and their surrender to the peasant communes, the confiscation of agricultural machinery belonging to the great land-owners, the safe-guarding of the interests of the agricultural workers by the complete abolition of wage-slavery, the regular and methodical distribution among all regions of Russia of the products of agriculture and industry, and the seizure of the banks (without which the possession of land by the whole people would be impossible, after the abolition of private property), and all sorts of a.s.sistance by the State to the workers....
For these reasons the Peasants" Congress sustains entirely the Revolution of November 7th... as a social revolution, and expresses its unalterable will to put into operation, with whatever modifications are necessary, but without any hesitation, the social transformation of the Russian Republic.
The indispensable conditions of the victory of the Social Revolution, which alone will secure the lasting success and the complete realisation of the Land decree, is the close union of the peasant-workers with the industrial working-cla.s.s, with the proletariat of all advanced countries. From now on, in the Russian Republic, all the organisation and administration of the State, from top to bottom, must rest on that union. That union, crushing all attempts, direct or indirect, open or dissimulated, to return to the policy of conciliation with the bourgeoisie-conciliation, d.a.m.ned by experience, with the chiefs of bourgeois politics-can alone insure the victory of Socialism throughout the world....
The reactionaries of the Executive Committee no longer dared openly to appear. Tchernov, however, spoke several times, with a modest and winning impartiality. He was invited to sit on the platform.... On the second night of the Congress an anonymous note was handed up to the chairman, requesting that Tchernov be made honorary President. Ustinov read the note aloud, and immediately Zinoviev was on his feet, screaming that this was a trick of the old Executive Committee to capture the convention; in a moment the hall was one bellowing ma.s.s of waving arms and angry faces, on both sides.... Nevertheless, Tchernov remained very popular.
In the stormy debates on the Land question and the Lenin resolution, the Bolsheviki were twice on the point of quitting the a.s.sembly, both times restrained by their leaders.... It seemed to me as if the Congress were hopelessly deadlocked.
But none of us knew that a series of secret conferences were already going on between the Left Socialist Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviki at Smolny. At first the Left Socialist Revolutionaries had demanded that there be a Government composed of all the Socialist parties in and out of the Soviets, to be responsible to a People"s Council, composed of an equal number of delegates from the Workers" and Soldiers" organisation, and that of the Peasants, and completed by representatives of the City Dumas and the Zemstvos; Lenin and Trotzky were to be eliminated, and the Military Revolutionary Committee and other repressive organs dissolved.
Wednesday morning, November 28th, after a terrible all-night struggle, an agreement was reached. The Tsay-ee-kah,composed of 108 members, was to be augumented by 108 members elected proportionally from the Peasants" Congress; by 100 delegates elected directly from the Army and the Fleet; and by 50 representatives of the Trade Unions (35 from the general Unions, 10 Railway Workers, and 5 from the Post and Telegraph Workers). The Dumas and Zemstvos were dropped. Lenin and Trotzky remained in the Government, and the Military Revolutionary Committee continued to function.
The sessions of the Congress had now been removed to the Imperial Law School building, Fontanka 6, headquarters of the Peasants" Soviets. There in the great meeting-hall the delegates gathered on Wednesday afternoon. The old Executive Committee had withdrawn, and was holding a rump convention of its own in another room of the same building, made up of bolting delegates and representatives of the Army Committees.
Tchernov went from one meeting to the other, keeping a watchful eye on the proceedings. He knew that an agreement with the Bolsheviki was being discussed, but he did not know that it had been concluded.
He spoke to the rump convention. "At present, when everybody is in favour of forming an all-Socialist Government, many people forget the first Ministry, which was not a coalition Government, and in which there was only one Socialist-Kerensky; a Government which, in its time, was very popular. Now people accuse Kerensky; they forget that he was raised to power, not only by the Soviets, but also by the popular ma.s.ses....
"Why did public opinion change toward Kerensky? The savages set up G.o.ds to which they pray, and which they punish if one of their prayers is not answered.... That is what is happening at this moment.... Yesterday Kerensky; today Lenin and Trotzky; another to-morrow....
"We have proposed to both Kerensky and the Bolsheviki to retire from the power. Kerensky has accepted-to-day he announced from his hiding-place that he has resigned as Premier; but the Bolsheviki wish to retain the power, and they do not know how to use it....
"If the Bolsheviki succeed, or if they fail, the fate of Russia will not be changed. The Russian villages understand perfectly what they want, and they are now carrying out their own measures.... The villages will save us in the end...."
In the meanwhile, in the great hall Ustinov had announced the agreement between the Peasants" Congress and Smolny, received by the delegates with the wildest joy. Suddenly Tchernov appeared, and demanded the floor.
"I understand," he began, "that an agreement is being concluded between the Peasants" Congress and Smolny. Such an agreement would be illegal, seeing that the true Congress of Peasants" Soviets does not meet until next week....
"Moreover, I want to warn you now that the Bolsheviki will never accept your demands...."
He was interrupted by a great burst of laughter; and realising the situation, he left the platform and the room, taking his popularity with him....
Late in the afternoon of Thursday, November 16th, the Congress met in extraordinary session. There was a holiday feeling in the air; on every face was a smile.... The remainder of the business before the a.s.sembly was hurried through, and then old Nathanson, the white-bearded dean of the left wing of the Socialist Revolutionaries, his voice trembling and tears in his eyes, read the report of the "wedding" of the Peasants" Soviets with the Workers" and Soldiers" Soviets. At every mention of the word "union" there was ecstatic applause.... At the end Ustinov announced the arrival rival of a delegation from Smolny, accompanied by representatives of the Red Army, greeted with a rising ovation. One after another a workman, a soldier and a sailor took the floor, hailing them.
Then Boris Reinstein, delegate of the American Socialist Labor Party: "The day of the union of the Congress of Peasants and the Soviets of Workers" and Soldiers" Deputies is one of the great days of the Revolution. The sound of it will ring with resounding echoes throughout the whole world-in Paris, in London, and across the ocean-in New York. This union will fill with happiness the hearts of all toilers.
"A great idea has triumphed. The West, and America, expected from Russia, from the Russian proletariat, something tremendous.... The proletariat of the world is waiting for the Russian Revolution, waiting for the great things that it is accomplishing...."
Sverdlov, president of the Tsay-ee-kah, greeted them. And with the shout, "Long live the end of civil war! Long live the United Democracy!" the peasants poured out of the building.
It was already dark, and on the ice-covered snow glittered the pale light of moon and star. Along the bank of the ca.n.a.l were drawn up in full marching order the soldiers of the Pavlovsky Regiment, with their band, which broke into the Ma.r.s.eillaise. Amid the crashing full-throated shouts of the soldiers, the peasants formed in line, unfurling the great red banner of the Executive Committee of the All-Russian Peasants" Soviets, embroidered newly in gold, "Long live the union of the revolutionary and toiling ma.s.ses!" Following were other banners; of the District Soviets-of Putilov Factory, which read, "We bow to this flag in order to create the brotherhood of all people!"
From somewhere torches appeared, blazing orange in the night, a thousand times reflected in the facets of the ice, streaming out smokily over the throng as it moved down the bank of the Fontanka singing, between crowds that stood in astonished silence.
"Long live the Revolutionary Army! Long live the Red Guard! Long live the Peasants!"
So the great procession wound through the city, growing and unfurling ever new red banners lettered in gold. Two old peasants, bowed with toil, were walking hand in hand, their faces illumined with child-like bliss.
"Well," said one, "I"d like to see them take away our land again, now!
Near Smolny the Red Guard was lined up on both sides of the street, wild with delight. The other old peasant spoke to his comrade, "I am not tired," he said. "I walked on air all the way!"
On the steps of Smolny about a hundred Workers" and Soldiers" Deputies were ma.s.sed, with their banner, dark against the blaze of light streaming out between the arches. Like a wave they rushed down, clasping the peasants in their arms and kissing them; and the procession poured in through the great door and up the stairs, with a noise like thunder....
In the immense white meeting-room the Tsay-ee-kah was waiting, with the whole Petrograd Soviet and a thousand spectators beside, with that solemnity which attends great conscious moments in history.
Zinoviev announced the agreement with the Peasants" Congress, to a shaking roar which rose and burst into storm as the sound of music blared down the corridor, and the head of the procession came in. On the platform the presidium rose and made place for the Peasants" presidium, the two embracing; behind them the two banners were intertwined against the white wall, over the empty frame from which the Tsar"s picture had been torn....
Then opened the "triumphal session." After a few words of welcome from Sverdlov, Maria Spiridonova, slight, pale, with spectacles and hair drawn flatly down, and the air of a New England school-teacher, took the tribune-the most loved and the most powerful woman in all Russia.
"... Before the workers of Russia open now horizons which history has never known.... All workers" movements in the past have been defeated. But the present movement is international, and that is why it is invincible. There is no force in the world which can put out the fire of the Revolution! The old world crumbles down, the new world begins...."
Then Trotzky, full of fire: "I wish you welcome, comrades peasants! You come here not as guests, but as masters of this house, which holds the heart of the Russian Revolution. The will of millions of workers is now concentrated in this hall.... There is now only one master of the Russian land: the union of the workers, soldiers and peasants...."
With biting sarcasm he went on to speak of the Allied diplomats, till then contemptuous of Russia"s invitation to an armistice, which had been accepted by the Central Powers.
"A new humanity will be born of this war.... In this hall we swear to workers of all lands to remain at our revolutionary post. If we are broken, then it will be in defending our flag...."
Krylenko followed him, explaining the situation at the front, where Dukhonin was preparing to resist the Council of People"s Commissars. "Let Dukhonin and those with him understand well that we shall not deal gently with those who bar the road to peace!"
Dybenko saluted the a.s.sembly in the name of the Fleet, and Krushinsky, member of the Vikzhel, said, "From this moment, when the union of all true Socialists is realised, the whole army of railway workers places itself absolutely at the disposition of the revolutionary democracy!" And Lunatcharsky, almost weeping, and Proshian, for the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, and finally Saharashvili, for the United Social Democrats Internationalists, composed of members of the Martov"s and of Gorky"s groups, who declared: "We left the Tsay-ee-kah because of the uncompromising policy of the Bolsheviki, and to force them to make concessions in order to realise the union of all the revolutionary democracy. Now that that union is brought about, we consider it a sacred duty to take our places once more in the Tsay-ee-kah.... We declare that all those who have withdrawn from the Tsay-ee-kah should now return."
Stachkov, a dignified old peasant of the presidium of the Peasants" Congress, bowed to the four corners of the room. "I greet you with the christening of a new Russian life and freedom!"
Gronsky, in the name of the Polish Social Democracy; Skripnik, for the Factory-Shop Committees; Tifonov, for the Russian soldiers at Salonika; and others, interminably, speaking out of full hearts, with the happy eloquence of hopes fulfilled.... It was late in the night when the following resolution was put and pa.s.sed unanimously: "The Tsay-ee-kah, united in extraordinary session with the Petrograd Soviet and the Peasants" Congress, confirms the Land and Peace decrees adopted by the second Congress of Soviets of Workers" and Soldiers" Deputies, and also the decree on Workers" Control adopted by the Tsay-ee-kah.
"The joint session of the Tsay-ee-kah and the Peasants" Congress expresses its firm conviction that the union of workers, soldiers and peasants, this fraternal union of all the workers and all exploited, will consolidate the power conquered by them, that it will take all revolutionary measures to hasten the pa.s.sing of the power into the hands of the working-cla.s.s in other countries, and that it will a.s.sure in this manner the lasting accomplishment of a just peace and the victory of Socialism."(See App. XI, Sect. 2)
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER I.
1.
Oborontsi-"Defenders." All the "moderate" Socialist groups adopted or were given this name, because they consented to the continuation of the war under Allied leadership, on the ground that it was a war of National Defence. The Bolsheviki, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, the Mensheviki Internationalists (Martov"s faction), and the Social Democrats Internationalists (Gorky"s group) were in favour of forcing the Allies to declare democratic war-aims, and to offer peace to Germany on those terms....
2.
WAGES AND COST OF LIVING BEFORE AND DURING THE REVOLUTION.
The following tables of wages and costs were compiled, in October, 1917, by a joint Committee from the Moscow Chamber of Commerce and the Moscow section of the Ministry of Labour, and published in Novaya Zhizn, October 26th, 1917: Wages Per Day-(Rubles and kopeks).
+------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Trade | July 1914 | July 1916 | August 1917 | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Carpenter, | 1.60-2. | 4.-6. | 8.50 | | Cabinet-maker | | | | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Terra.s.sier | 1.30-1.50 | 3.-3.50 | | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Mason, plasterer | 1.70-2.35 | 4.-6. | 8. | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Painter, upholsterer | 1.80-2.20 | 3.-5.50 | 8. | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Blacksmith | 1.-2.25 | 4.-5. | 8.50 | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Chimney-sweep | 1.50-2. | 4.-5.50 | 7.50 | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Locksmith | .90-2. | 3.50-6. | 9. | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ | Helper | 1.-1.50 | 2.50-4.50 | 8. | +------------------------+-------------+-------------+---------------+ In spite of numerous stories of gigantic advances in wages immediately following the Revolution of March, 1917, these figures, which were published by the Ministry of Labour as characteristic of conditions all over Russia, show that wages did not rise immediately after the Revolution, but little by little. On an average, wages increased slightly more than 500 per cent....
But at the same time the value of the ruble fell to less than one-third its former purchasing power, and the cost of the necessities of life increased enormously.
The following table was compiled by the Munic.i.p.al Duma of Moscow, where food was cheaper and more plentiful than in Petrograd: Cost of Food-(Rubles and Kopeks).
+-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | | August 1914 | August 1917 | % Increase | | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Black bread | (Fund) | .02 1/2 | .12 | 330 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | White bread | (Fund) | .05 | .20 | 300 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Beef | (Fund) | .22 | 1.10 | 400 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Veal | (Fund) | .26 | 2.15 | 727 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Pork | (Fund) | .23 | 2. | 770 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Herring | (Fund) | .06 | .52 | 767 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Cheese | (Fund) | .40 | 3.50 | 754 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | b.u.t.ter | (Fund) | .48 | 3.20 | 557 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Eggs | (Doz.) | .30 | 1.60 | 443 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ | Milk | (Krushka) | .07 | .40 | 471 | +-------------+---------------+---------------+--------------+-----+ On an average, food increased in price 556 per cent, or 51 per cent more than wages.
As for the other necessities, the price of these increased tremendously.
The following table was compiled by the Economic section of the Moscow Soviet of Workers" Deputies, and accepted as correct by the Ministry of Supplies of the Provisional Government.
Cost of Other Necessities-(Rubles and Kopeks).
+-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | | August 1914 | August | _% | | | | | 1917 | Increase_ | | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Calico | (Arshin) | .11 | 1.40 | 1173 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Cotton | (Arshin) | .15 | 2. | 1233 | | cloth | | | | | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Dress Goods | (Arshin) | 2. | 40. | 1900 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Castor | (Arshin) | 6. | 80. | 1233 | | Cloth | | | | | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Men"s Shoes | (Pair) | 12. | 144. | 1097 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Sole | | 20. | 400. | 1900 | | Leather | | | | | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Rubbers | (Pair) | 2.50 | 15. | 500 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Men"s | (Suit) | 40. | 400. 455. | 9001109 | | Clothing | | | | | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Tea | (Fund) | 4.50 | 18. | 300 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Matches | (Carton) | .10 | .50 | 400 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Soap | (Pood) | 4.50 | 40. | 780 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Gasoline | (Vedro) | 1.70 | 11. | 547 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Candles | (Pood) | 8.50 | 100. | 1076 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Caramel | (Fund) | .30 | 4.50 | 1400 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Fire Wood | (Load) | 10. | 120. | 1100 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Charcoal | | .80 | 13. | 1525 | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ | Sundry | | 1. | 20. | 1900 | | Metal Ware | | | | | +-------------+---------------+-------------+-------------+----------+ On an average, the above categories of necessities increased about 1,109 per cent in price, more than twice the increase of salaries. The difference, of course, went into the pockets of speculators and merchants.
In September, 1917, when I arrived in Petrograd, the average daily wage of a skilled industrial worker-for example, a steel-worker in the Putilov Factory-was about 8 rubles. At the same time, profits were enormous.... I was told by one of the owners of the Thornton Woollen Mills, an English concern on the outskirts of Petrograd, that while wages had increased about 300 per cent in his factory, his profits had gone up 900 per cent.
3.
THE SOCIALIST MINISTERS.
The history of the efforts of the Socialists in the Provisional Government of July to realise their programme in coalition with the bourgeois Ministers, is an illuminating example of cla.s.s struggle in politics. Says Lenin, in explanation of this phenomenon: "The capitalists, ... seeing that the position of the Government was untenable, resorted to a method which since 1848 has been for decades practised by the capitalists in order to befog, divide, and finally overpower the working-cla.s.s. This method is the so-called "Coalition Ministry," composed of bourgeois and of renegades from the Socialist camp.
"In those countries where political freedom and democracy have existed side by side with the revolutionary movement of the workers-for example in England and France-the capitalists make use of this subterfuge, and very successfully too. The "Socialist" leaders, upon entering the Ministries, invariably prove mere figure-heads, puppets, simply a shield for the capitalists, a tool with which to defraud the workers. The "democratic" and "republican" capitalists in Russia set in motion this very same scheme. The Socialist Revolutionaries and Mensheviki fell victim to it, and on June 1st a "Coalition" Ministry, with the partic.i.p.ation of Tchernov, Tseretelli, Skobeliev, Avksentiev, Savinkov, Zarudny and Nikitin became an accomplished fact...."-Problems of the Revolution.
4.
SEPTEMBER MUNIc.i.p.aL ELECTIONS IN MOSCOW.
In the first week of October, 1917, Novaya Zhizn published the following comparative table of election results, pointing out that this meant the bankruptcy of the policy of Coalition with the propertied cla.s.ses. "If civil war can yet be avoided, it can only be done by a united front of all the revolutionary democracy...."
Elections for the Moscow Central and Ward Dumas. Reed, John. 1922. Ten Days That Shook the World +-----------------------------+------------+------------+ | June 1917September 1917 | | | +-----------------------------+------------+------------+ | Socialist Revolutionaries | 58 Members | 14 Members | +-----------------------------+------------+------------+ | Cadets | 17 Members | 30 Members | +-----------------------------+------------+------------+ | Mensheviki | 12 Members | 4 Members | +-----------------------------+------------+------------+ | Bolsheviki | 11 Members | 47 Members | +-----------------------------+------------+------------+ 5.
GROWING ARROGANCE OF THE REACTIONARIES.
September 18th. The Cadet Shulgin, writing in a Kiev newspaper, said that the Provisional Government"s declaration that Russia was a Republic const.i.tuted a gross abuse of its powers. "We cannot admit either a Republic, or the present Republican Government.... And we are not sure that we want a Republic in Russia...."
October 23d. At a meeting of the Cadet party held at Riazan, M. Dukhonin declared, "On March 1st we must establish a Const.i.tutional Monarchy. We must not reject the legitimate heir to the throne, Mikhail Alexandrovitch...."
October 27th. Resolution pa.s.sed by the Conference of Business Men at Moscow: "The Conference... insists that the Provisional Government take the following immediate measures in the Army: "1. Forbidding of all political propaganda; the Army must be out of politics.
"2. Propaganda of antinational and international ideas and theories deny the necessity for armies, and hurt discipline; it should be forbidden, and all propagandists punished....
"3. The function of the Army Committees must be limited to economic questions exclusively. All their decisions should be confirmed by their superior officers, who have the right to dissolve the Committees at any time....
"4. The salute to be reestablished, and made obligatory. Full reestablishment of disciplinary power in the hands of officers, with right of review of sentence....
"5. Expulsion from the Corps of Officers of those who dishonour it by partic.i.p.ating in the movement of the soldier-ma.s.ses, which teaches them disobedience.... Reestablishment for this purpose of the Courts of Honor....
"6. The Provisional Government should take the necessary measures to make possible the return to the army of Generals and other officers unjustly discharged under the influence of Committees, and other irresponsible organisations...."
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II.
1.
The Kornilov revolt is treated in detail in my forthcoming volume, "Kornilov to Brest-Litovsk." The responsibility of Kerensky for the situation which gave rise to Kornilov"s attempt is now pretty clearly established. Many apologists for Kerensky say that he knew of Kornilov"s plans, and by a trick drew him out prematurely, and then crushed him. Even Mr. A. J. Sack, in his book, "The Birth of the Russian Democracy," says: "Several things... are almost certain. The first is that Kerensky knew about the movement of several detachments from the Front toward Petrograd, and it is possible that as Prime Minister and Minister of War, realising the growing Bolshevist danger, he called for them...."
The only flaw in that argument is that there was no "Bolshevist danger" at that time, the Bolsheviki still being a powerless minority in the Soviets, and their leaders in jail or hiding.
2.
DEMOCRATIC CONFERENCE.
When the Democratic Conference was first proposed to Kerensky, he suggested an a.s.sembly of all the elements in the nation-"the live forces," as he called them-including bankers, manufacturers, land-owners, and representatives of the Cadet party. The Soviet refused, and drew up the following table of representation, which Kerensky agreed to: +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 100 delegates | All-Russian Soviets Workers" and Soldiers" | | | Deputies | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 100 delegates | All-Russian Soviets Peasants" Deputies | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 50 delegates | Provincial Soviets Workers" and Soldiers" Deputies | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 50 delegates | Peasants" District Land Committees | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 100 delegates | Trade Unions | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 84 delegates | Army Committees at the Front | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 150 delegates | Workers" and Peasants" Cooperative Societies | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 20 delegates | Railway Workers" Union | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 10 delegates | Post and Telegraph Workers" Union | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 20 delegates | Commercial Clerks | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 15 delegates | Liberal Professions-Doctors, Lawyers, | | | Journalists, etc. | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 50 delegates | Provincial Zemstvos | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 59 delegates | Nationalist Organisations-Poles, Ukraineans, etc. | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ This proportion was altered twice or three times. The final disposition of delegates was: +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 300 delegates | All-Russian Soviets Workers", Soldiers" & | | | Peasants" Deputies | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 300 delegates | Cooperative Societies | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 300 delegates | Munic.i.p.alities | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 150 delegates | Army Committees at the Front | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 150 delegates | Provincial Zemstvos | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 200 delegates | Trade Unions | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 100 delegates | Nationalist Organisations | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ | 200 delegates | Several small groups | +---------------+----------------------------------------------------+ 3.
THE FUNCTION OF THE SOVIETS IS ENDED.
On September 28th, 1917, Izviestia, organ of the Tsay-ee-kah, published an article which said, speaking of the last Provisional Ministry: "At last a truly democratic government, born of the will of all cla.s.ses of the Russian people, the first rough form of the future liberal parliamentary regime, has been formed. Ahead of us is the Const.i.tuent a.s.sembly, which will solve all questions of fundamental law, and whose composition will be essentially democratic. The function of the Soviets is at an end, and the time is approaching when they must retire, with the rest of the revolutionary machinery, from the stage of a free and victorious people, whose weapons shall hereafter be the peaceful ones of political action."
The leading article of Izviestia for October 23d was called, "The Crisis in the Soviet Organisations." It began by saying that travellers reported a lessening activity of local Soviets everywhere. "This is natural," said the writer. "For the people are becoming interested in the more permanent legislative organs-the Munic.i.p.al Dumas and the Zemstvs....