May 19, 1898, the command having been ordered to join the Second Army Corps at Camp Russell A. Alger, near Falls Church, Va., left Camp Bushnell and arrived at Camp Alger May 21, 1898.
When Major-General Graham a.s.sumed command of the Second Army Corps and organized it into divisions, the battalion was placed in the provisional division. In June (exact date not remembered) the battalion was placed in the Second Brigade, Second Division, being brigaded with the Twelfth Pennsylvania and Seventh Illinois Regiments.
The battalion was relieved from the Second Brigade, Second Division and placed in the Second Brigade, First Division, being brigaded with the Eighth Ohio and Sixth Ma.s.sachusetts.
A New Jersey regiment was relieved from duty as corps headquarters"
guard late in June and the Ninth Battalion a.s.signed to that duty. The battalion performed this duty until it was ordered South from Camp Meade, Penn., when it became separated from corps headquarters.
Important outposts, such as the entrance to Falls Church and the guarding of the citizens" gardens and property, were under the charge of the command.
When General Garretson"s brigade (Second Brigade, First Division, consisting of the Eighth Ohio, Ninth Battalion and Sixth Ma.s.sachusetts) was ordered to Cuba, General Graham, thinking that his entire Army Corps would soon be ordered to active service, requested the War Department, as the battalion was his headquarters guard, to let the battalion remain with him. (See telegrams Gen. Graham"s report to the Secretary of War.) General Graham"s request being honored by the department, the battalion was deprived of this chance of seeing active service in foreign fields. The battalion was then attached to the Second Brigade, Second Division, under Brigadier-General Plummer, being brigaded with the First New Jersey, Sixty-fifth New York and Seventh Ohio.
In July the battalion was relieved from this brigade and attached directly to corps headquarters. When the Second Army Corps was ordered to Camp Meade, Penna., the battalion was one of the first to break camp, going with corps headquarters. The battalion left Camp R.A.
Alger August 15, 1898, and arrived in camp at Camp George G. Meade, near Middletown, Penna., August 16, 1898. In camp the battalion occupied a position with the signal and engineer corps and hospital, near corps headquarters.
When the Peace Jubilee was held in Philadelphia, the battalion was one of the representative commands from the Second Army Corps, being given the place of honor in the corps in the parade, following immediately General Graham and staff. When the corps was ordered South the battalion was a.s.signed to the Second Brigade under Brigadier-General Ames. The battalion left Camp Meade November 17. Up to this time it had done the guard duty of corps headquarters and was complimented for its efficient work by the commanding general. The battalion arrived in Summerville, S.C., November 21, 1898. It was brigaded with the Fourteenth Pennsylvania and Third Connecticut.
When the battalion arrived in the South the white citizens were not at all favorably disposed toward colored soldiers, and it must be said that the reception was not cordial. But by their orderly conduct and soldierly behavior the men soon won the respect of all, and the battalion was well treated before it left. November 28-29 Major Philip Reade, Inspector General First Division, Second Army Corps, inspected the Ninth Battalion, beginning his duties in that brigade with this inspection. He complimented the battalion for its work both from a practical and theoretical standpoint. Coming to the Fourteenth Pennsylvania he required them to go through certain movements in the extended order drill which not being done entirely to his satisfaction, he sent his orderly to the commanding officer of the Ninth Battalion, requesting him to have his command on the drill ground at once. The battalion fell in and marched to the ground and when presented to the Inspector orders were given for it to go through with certain movements in the extended order drill in the presence of the Pennsylvania regiment. This done, the Inspector dismissed the battalion, highly complimenting Major Young on the efficiency of his command. Just after the visit of the Inspector General, General S.B.M.
Young, commanding the Second Army Corps, visited Camp Marion. Orders were sent to Major Young one morning to have his battalion fall in at once, as the General desired to have them drill. By his command the battalion went through the setting-up exercises and battalion drill in close and extended order. The General was so well pleased with the drill that the battalion was exempted from all work during the remainder of the day.
The battalion was ordered to be mustered out January 29, 1899.
Lieutenant Geo. W. Van Deusen, First Artillery, who was detailed to muster out the command, hardly spent fifteen minutes in the camp.
Major Young had been detailed a.s.sistant Commissary of Musters and signed all discharges for the Ninth Battalion, except for the field and staff, which were signed by Lieutenant Van Deusen. The companies left for their respective cities the same night they were paid. Major Bullis was the paymaster.
FOOTNOTES:
[25] See "Outline History of the Ninth (Separate) Battalion Ohio Volunteer Infantry," by the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Nelson Ballard, following the close of this chapter.
CHAPTER XII.
COLORED OFFICERS.
By Captain Frank R. Steward, A.B., LL.B., Harvard, Forty-ninth U.S. Volunteer Infantry--Appendix.
Of all the avenues open to American citizenship the commissioned ranks of the army and navy have been the stubbornest to yield to the newly enfranchised. Colored men have filled almost every kind of public office or trust save the Chief Magistracy. They have been members of both Houses of Congress, and are employed in all the executive branches of the Government, but no Negro has as yet succeeded in invading the commissioned force of the navy, and his advance in the army has been exceedingly slight. Since the war, as has been related, but three Negroes have been graduated from the National Military Academy at West Point; of these one was speedily crowded out of the service; another reached the grade of First Lieutenant and died untimely; the third, First Lieutenant Charles Young, late Major of the 9th Ohio Battalion, U.S. Volunteers, together with four colored Chaplains, const.i.tute the sole colored commissioned force of our Regular Army.
Although Negroes fought in large numbers in both the Revolution and the War of 1812, there is no instance of any Negro attaining or exercising the rank of commissioned officer. It is a curious bit of history, however, that in the Civil War those who were fighting to keep colored men enslaved were the first to commission colored officers. In Louisiana but a few days after the outbreak of the war, the free colored population of New Orleans organized a military organization, called the "Native Guard," which was accepted into the service of the State and its officers were duly commissioned by the Governor.[26]
These Negro soldiers were the first to welcome General Butler when he entered New Orleans, and the fact of the organization of the "Native Guard" by the Confederates was used by General Butler as the basis for the organization of three colored regiments of "Native Guards," all the line officers of which were colored men. Governor Pinchback, who was a captain in one of these regiments, tells the fate of these early colored officers.
"There were," he writes, "in New Orleans some colored soldiers known as "Native Guards" before the arrival of the Federal soldiers, but I do not know much about them. It was a knowledge of this fact that induced General Butler, then in command of the Department of the Gulf, to organize three regiments of colored soldiers, viz: The First, Second and Third Regiments of Native Guards.
"The First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel Stafford commanding, with all the field officers white, and a full complement of line officers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans September 27, 1862, for three years. Soon after General Banks took command of the department and changed the designation of the regiment to First Infantry, Corps d"Afrique. April 4th, 1864, it was changed again to Seventy-third United States Colored Infantry.
[Transcriber"s Note: This footnote appeared in the text without a footnote anchor:
"On the 23d of November, 1861, there was a grand review of the Confederate troops stationed at New Orleans. An a.s.sociated Press despatch announced that the line was seven miles long. The feature of the review, however, was one regiment of fourteen hundred free colored men. Another grand review followed the next spring, and on the appearance of rebel negroes a local paper made the following comment:
""We must also pay a deserved compliment to the companies of free colored men, all very well drilled and comfortably uniformed. Most of these companies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble. On the same day one of these negro companies was presented with a flag, and every evidence of public approbation was manifest.""
(Williams"s Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 83-4)]
"The Second Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel N.W. Daniels and Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, white, and Major Francis E. Dumas, colored, and all the line officers colored except one Second Lieutenant, was mustered into service for three years, October 12, 1862. General Banks changed its designation to Second Infantry Corps d"Afrique, June 6, 1863, and April 6, 1864, it was changed to Second United States Colored Troops. Finally it was consolidated with the Ninety-first as the Seventy-fourth Colored Infantry, and mustered out October 11, 1865.
"The Third Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel Nelson and all field officers white, and all line officers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans for three years, November 24, 1862. Its designation went through the same changes as the others at the same dates, and it was mustered out November 25, 1865, as the Seventy-fifth Colored Infantry.
"Soon after the organization of the Third Regiment, trouble for the colored officers began, and the department began a systematic effort to get rid of them. A board of examiners was appointed and all COLORED officers of the Third Regiment were ordered before it. They refused to obey the order and tendered their resignations in a body. The resignations were accepted and that was the beginning of the end. Like action with the same results followed in the First and Second Regiments, and colored officers were soon seen no more. All were driven out of the service except three or four who were never ordered to appear before the examining board. Among these was your humble servant. I was then Captain of Company A, Second Regiment, but I soon tired of my isolation and resigned."
Later on in the war, with the general enlistment of colored soldiers, a number of colored chaplains and some surgeons were commissioned.
Towards the close of the war several colored line officers and a field officer or two were appointed. The State of Ma.s.sachusetts was foremost in according this recognition to colored soldiers. But these later appointments came, in most cases, after the fighting was all over, and gave few opportunities to command. At the close of the war, with the muster out of troops the colored officers disappeared and upon the reorganization of the army, despite the brilliant record of the colored soldiers, no Negro was given a commission of any sort.
The outbreak of the Spanish War brought the question of colored officers prominently to the front. The colored people began at once to demand that officers of their own race be commissioned to command colored volunteers. They were not to be deluded by any extravagant praise of their past heroic services, which veiled a determination to ignore their just claims. So firmly did they adhere to their demands that but one volunteer regiment of colored troops, the Third Alabama, could be induced to enter the service with none of its officers colored. But the concessions obtained were always at the expense of continuous and persistent effort, and in the teeth of a very active and at times extremely violent opposition. We know already the kind of opposition the Eighth Illinois, the Twenty-third Kansas, and the Third North Carolina Regiments, officered entirely by colored men, encountered. It was this opposition, as we have seen, which confined colored officers to positions below the grade of captain in the four immune regiments. From a like cause, we know also, distinguished non-commissioned officers of the four regular regiments of colored troops were allowed promotion only to Lieutenantcies in the immune regiments, and upon the muster out of those organizations, were compelled, if they desired to continue soldiering, to resume their places as enlisted men.
There is some explanation for this opposition in the nature of the distinction which military rank confers. Military rank and naval rank const.i.tute the only real distinction among us. Our officers of the army and navy, and of the army more than of the navy, because the former officers are more constantly within the country, make up the sole separate cla.s.s of our population. We have no established n.o.bility. Wealth confers no privilege which men are bound to observe.
The respect paid to men who attain eminence in science and learning goes only as far as they are known. The t.i.tles of the professions are matters of courtesy and customs only. Our judges and legislators, our governors and mayors, are still our "fellow citizens," and the dignity they enjoy is but an honorary one. The highest office within our gift offers no exception. At the close of his term, even an ex-President, "that melancholy product of our system," must resume his place among his fellow citizens, to sink, not infrequently, into obscurity. But fifty thousand soldiers must stand attention to the merest second lieutenant! His rank is a _fact_. The life tenure, the necessities of military discipline and administration, weld army officers into a distinct cla.s.s and make our military system the sole but necessary relic of personal government. Any cla.s.s with special privileges is necessarily conservative.
The intimate a.s.sociation of "officer" and "gentleman," a legacy of feudal days, is not without significance. An officer must also be a gentleman, and "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman" is erected into an offence punishable by dismissal from the service. The word "gentleman" has got far away from the strict significance of its French parent. De Tocqueville has made us see the process of this development. Pa.s.sing over to England, with the changing conditions, "gentleman" was used to describe persons lower and lower in the social scale, until, when it crossed to this country, its significance became lost in an indiscriminate application to all citizens[27]. A flavor of its caste significance still remains in the traditional "high sense of honor" characteristic of our military service. It was a distant step for a slave and freedman to become an officer and gentleman.
While the above reflections may be some explanations _in fact_ for the opposition to the commissioning of Negroes, there was no one with hardihood enough to bring them forward. Such notions might form the groundwork of a prejudice, but they could not become the reason of a policy. It is an instinctive tribute to the good sense of the American people that the opponents of colored officers were compelled to find reasons of another kind for their antagonism.
The one formula heard always in the campaign against colored officers was: Negroes cannot command. This formula was sent forth with every kind of variation, from the fierce fulminations of the hostile Southern press, to the more apologetic and philosophical discussions of our Northern secular and religious journals. To be sure, every now and then, there were exhibitions of impatience against the doctrine.
Not a few newspapers had little tolerance for the nonsense. Some former commanders of Negro soldiers in the Civil War, notably, General T.J. Morgan, spoke out in their behalf. The brilliant career of the black regulars in Cuba broke the spell for a time, but the re-action speedily set in. In short it became fastened pretty completely in the popular mind as a bit of demonstrated truth that Negroes could not make officers; that colored soldiers would neither follow nor obey officers of their own race.
This formula had of course to ignore an entire epoch of history. It could take no account of that lurid program wrought in the Antilles a century ago--a rising mob of rebel slaves, transformed into an invincible army of tumultuous blacks, under the guidance of the immortal Toussaint, overcoming the trained armies of three Continental powers, Spain, England and France, and audaciously projecting a black republic into the family of nations, a program at once a marvel and a terror to the civilized world.
Not alone in Hayti, but throughout the States of Central and South America have Negroes exercised military command, both in the struggles of these states for independence, and in their national armies established after independence. At least one soldier of Negro blood, General Dumas, father of the great novelist, arose to the rank of General of Division in the French Army and served under Napoleon. In our day we have seen General Dodds, another soldier of Negro blood, returning from a successful campaign in Africa, acclaimed throughout France, his immense popularity threatening Paris with a renewal of the hysterical days of Boulanger. Finally, we need not be told that at the very head and front of the Cuban Rebellion were Negroes of every hue, exercising every kind of command up to the very highest. We need but recall the lamented Maceo, the Negro chieftain, whose tragic end brought sorrow and dismay to all of Cuba. With an army thronging with blacks and mulattoes, these Cuban chieftains, black, mulatto and white, prolonged such an hara.s.sing warfare as to compel the intervention of the United States. At the end of this recital, which could well have been extended with greater particularity, if it were thought needful, we are bound to conclude that the arbitrary formula relied upon by the opponents of colored officers was never constructed to fit such an obstinate set of facts.
The prolonged struggle which culminated in permitting the Negro"s general enlistment in our Civil War had only to be repeated to secure for him the full pay of a soldier, the right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and to relieve him of the monopoly of fatigue and garrison duty. He was too overjoyed with the boon of fighting for the liberation of his race to make much contention about who was to lead him. With meagre exception, his exclusive business in that war was to carry a gun. Yet repeatedly Negro soldiers evinced high capacity for command. Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson draws a glowing portrait of Sergeant Prince Rivers, Color-Sergeant of the First South Carolina Volunteers, a regiment of slaves, organized late in 1862. The Color-Sergeant was provost-Sergeant also, and had entire charge of the prisoners and of the daily policing of the camp.
"He is a man of distinguished appearance and in old times was the crack coachman of Beaufort. * * * They tell me that he was once allowed to present a pet.i.tion to the Governor of South Carolina in behalf of slaves, for the redress of certain grievances, and that a placard, offering two thousand dollars for his re-capture is still to be seen by the wayside between here and Charleston. He was a sergeant in the old "Hunter Regiment," and was taken by General Hunter to New York last spring, where the chevrons on his arm brought a mob upon him in Broadway, whom he kept off till the police interfered. There is not a white officer in this regiment who has more administrative ability, or more absolute authority over the men; they do not love him, but his mere presence has controlling power over them. He writes well enough to prepare for me a daily report of his duties in the camp; if his education reached a higher point I see no reason why he should not command the Army of the Potomac. He is jet-black, or rather, I should say, wine-black, his complexion, like that of others of my darkest men, having a sort of rich, clear depth, without a trace of sootiness, and to my eye very handsome. His features are tolerably regular, and full of command, and his figure superior to that of any of our white officers, being six feet high, perfectly proportioned, and of apparently inexhaustable strength and activity. His gait is like a panther"s; I never saw such a tread. No anti-slavery novel has described a man of such marked ability. He makes Toussaint perfectly intelligible, and if there should ever be a black monarchy in South Carolina he will be its king."[28]
Excepting the Louisiana Native Guards, the First South Carolina Volunteers was the first regiment of colored troops to be mustered into the service in the Civil War. The regiment was made up entirely of slaves, with scarcely a mulatto among them. The first day of freedom for these men was pa.s.sed in uniform and with a gun. Among these Negroes, just wrested from slavery, their scholarly commander, Colonel Higginson, could find many whom he judged well fitted by nature to command.
"Afterwards I had excellent battalion drills," he writes, "without a single white officer, by way of experiment, putting each company under a sergeant, and going through the most difficult movements, such as division columns and oblique squares. And as to actual discipline, it is doing no injustice to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of them received from the men more implicit obedience than Color-Sergeant Rivers. * * * It always seemed to me an insult to those brave men to have novices put over their heads, on the ground of color alone, and the men felt it the more keenly as they remained longer in the service. There were more than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mustered out after more than three years" service. The ranks had been kept full by enlistment, but there were only fourteen line-officers instead of the full thirty. The men who should have filled these vacancies were doing duty as sergeants in the ranks."[29]
Numerous expeditions were constantly on foot in the Department of the South, having for their object the liberation of slaves still held to service in neighborhoods remote from the Union camps, or to capture supplies and munitions of war. Frequently these expeditions came in conflict with armed bodies of rebels and hot engagements would ensue, resulting in considerable loss of life. Colored soldiers were particularly serviceable for this work because of their intimate knowledge of the country and their zeal for the rescue of their enslaved brethren.
One of these expeditions, composed of thirty colored soldiers and scouts, commanded by Sergeant-Major Henry James, Third United States Colored Troops, left Jacksonville, Florida, early in March, 1865, to penetrate into the interior through Marion county. They destroyed considerable property in the use of the rebel government, burned the bridge across the Oclawaha River, and started on their return with ninety-one Negroes whom they had rescued from slavery, four white prisoners, some wagons and a large number of horses and mules. They were attacked by a rebel band of more than fifty cavalry. The colored soldiers commanded by one of their own number, defeated and drove off the rebels, inflicting upon them the heavy loss of thirty men. After a long and rapid march they arrived at St. Augustine, Florida, with a loss of but two killed and four wounded, the expedition covering in all five days. These colored soldiers and their colored commander were thanked in orders by Major-General Q.A. Gilmore, commanding the department, who was moved to declare that "this expedition, planned and executed by colored men, under the command of a colored non-commissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave partic.i.p.ants and their leader," and "he holds up their conduct to their comrades in arms as an example worthy of emulation."[30]
It was no uncommon occurrence throughout the Civil War for colored non-commissioned officers to be thrown into command of their companies by the killing or wounding of their superior officers. On many a field of battle this happened and these colored non-commissioned officers showed the same ability to take the initiative and accept the responsibility, and conducted their commands just as bravely and unfalteringly as did their successors on the firing line at La Guasima and El Caney, or in the charge up San Juan Hill.
In the battle of New Market Heights, fought on the 29th of September, 1864, as part of a comprehensive effort to turn Lee"s left flank, the great heroism of the black soldiers, and the terrible slaughter among them, impressed their commander, the late Major-General Butler, to his dying day, and made him the stout champion of their rights for the rest of his life. In that battle, to quote from the orders putting on record the "gallant deeds of the officers and soldiers of the Army of the James":--
"Milton M. Holland, Sergeant-Major Fifth United States Colored Troops, commanding Company C; James H. Bronson, First Sergeant, commanding Company D; Robert Pinn, First Sergeant, commanding Company I, wounded; Powhatan Beaty, First Sergeant, commanding Company G, Fifth United States Colored Troops--all these gallant colored soldiers were left in command, all their company officers being killed or wounded, and led them gallantly and meritoriously through the day. For these services they have most honorable mention, and the commanding general will cause a special medal to be struck in honor of these gallant soldiers."
"First Sergeant Edward Ratcliff, Company C, Thirty-eighth United States Colored Troops, thrown into command of his company by the death of the officer commanding, was the first enlisted man in the enemy"s works, leading his company with great gallantry for which he has a medal."