TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Berlin, July 28th, 1781.
Sir,
I beg leave to acquaint your Excellency, that after having been detained at Amsterdam more than a month from the time I myself was ready to enter upon my journey, in hopes of being accompanied by Mr Jennings, I have been exceedingly disappointed, that that gentleman has thought himself under the necessity to decline going with me, on account of certain circ.u.mstances, which have since turned up in his own affairs.
I left Amsterdam on the 7th instant, (Mr Adams having gone from thence for Paris on the 2d, upon a special call of which he will, doubtless, give your Excellency the earliest notice) and arrived in this city on the 25th, very much indisposed. I thought it expedient to take my route to this city, through Cologne, Frankfort, and Leipsic, though not the common or shortest one, to avoid pa.s.sing through Hanover, lest my motions should have been watched in Holland, and notice given of my pa.s.sing through Hanover, which might have brought on the seizure of my person and papers.
I have been unfortunate in having my carriage overthrown and broken in pieces, between Leipsic and Berlin; happily, however, no other injury was sustained. I mention this circ.u.mstance, because it not only lays me under the necessity of purchasing another here, (for there is no travelling in these countries tolerably without a private carriage) but it will detain me several days extraordinary. Though I am not quite well, I shall set off as soon as the carriage I have bought can be properly fitted for so long a journey, for no less than fifteen hundred of our miles are still before me; and the route far from being the most pleasant in Europe, yet I should go through it with much alacrity, if I had well grounded hopes that at the end, I should find matters in the state we wish them to be.
As I have no faith on the one hand, that the present mediation of the Emperor and Empress will issue in a pacification, general or partial, so, on the other, I as little expect that it will suddenly light up other wars. It is probable, nothing of the latter kind can take place, without this kingdom having a portion in it, and I have not yet been able to learn, that there is the least expectation of the sort here, which most commonly goes before the act. I suppose, therefore, that the belligerent powers will still continue belligerent, and that the mediators will hope for a more favorable opportunity to renew their mediation, and to make their particular advantage of the conflict. It seems to me it has been accepted by them, (America only excepted, to whom it has not been tendered) rather out of respect, or to avoid giving offence to the mediators, or to seek an advantage by discovering a ready disposition to hearken to every proposition having the least possible tendency to bring about a pacification.
Not one of the belligerent powers, I believe, has an expectation, or a sincere wish that a pacification will, or should be brought about at present. Spain wishes to possess herself of Gibraltar and of the Floridas; can she now hope that these will be ceded to her? Does she not flatter herself, that by the continuance of the war, Britain will become so enfeebled, that they may be wrested from her? That having once obtained them by conquest, she will easily retain them at a peace? France wishes to establish herself, in the place of Britain, the dominant power of Europe; to this end, she sees that it is necessary to s.n.a.t.c.h the trident from the hand of Britain, and to wield it herself. To effect this, _she knows well, that America must be supported in her independence_. But is the time yet come, when she can reasonably hope, that both the mediators are prepared to make this last measure a proposition in their mediation, or Britain to acknowledge it?
Great Britain, in my opinion, wishes not to make a separate peace with America, that she may be able to exert her whole force against the House of Bourbon, as many of her popular leaders have frequently expressed themselves. This would be humbling herself in a point on which she is most obstinately fixed. Much sooner would she humble herself before her ancient enemies, provided she could flatter herself, that by doing this, she might make a separate peace with them, and be thereby at liberty to direct her whole force against the United States. In this case she would cherish the hope, that America seeing herself forsaken by her new allies, and exposed singly to the whole power of Britain, might either be induced once more to submit to her domination, or would become an easy conquest, in part at least. So little wisdom, it is probable, experience has taught them. But is there the least hope for Britain, that her ancient enemies are prepared to give up their new friends? Does not their own safety and importance in the political system, absolutely depend upon supporting the independence of our country?
Of Holland or the United Provinces, I know not what to say. They can scarce be ranked among the belligerent powers. The objects of Holland are peace, with that freedom to her commerce, which she had a right to demand in virtue of treaties, which Britain has annulled; as also rest.i.tution of her conquered territories, and reparation of the destruction committed upon her navigation. Britain will not gratify Holland in any of these respects, unless she grants the aids claimed, and thereby plunges herself into the war against the House of Bourbon and America, which she can never do. Thus a partial pacification between them is not likely to take place.
America will not consent that the independence of her empire shall be brought into question, or that her rights and claims shall be litigated and adjusted in a Congress, in which she is not properly represented by her Minister. Nevertheless, these things will, I am persuaded, be attempted, and I fear they will not meet with a very vigorous opposition from a quarter, which we have a right to expect should stoutly oppose them.[18] Should a Congress be a.s.sembled in this half matured state of things, is there any reasonable ground to hope that the professed design of it, a general pacification, can be accomplished? The determination of such bodies, are, however, so frequently influenced by improper motives, that he who concludes that such a matter cannot be the result merely because it ought not to be, may find himself egregiously deceived in the end.
Thus I have attempted to give a sketch of my sentiments relative to the business of a mediation; but Congress will probably receive a much more particular and satisfactory account of it from a much more able hand, who has besides better information, and is now more immediately connected with it. I have said I should go through the fatigues of my journey with much alacrity, if I had well grounded hopes, that at the end I should find matters in the state we wish them to be. I do not form any strong conclusion from the answer of the Empress to the United Provinces. What could they expect from her when they had so shamefully neglected any preparations necessary even for their own defence, and seemed not to be half decided about making any. But the following memorial of the French Amba.s.sador at her Court, taken in conjunction with the present retirement of Count Panin, her Prime Minister, seems to denote an essential change in the system of the Court of St Petersburg.
"_St Petersburg, 12th of June._ Friday last the Minister of the Court of Versailles had a conference with Count Osterman, Vice Chancellor of the Empire, and delivered him a memorial of the following import.
"Representations upon the continual proceedings of the English against the commerce and navigation of the neutral nations, upon the little activity of these last to prevent these arbitrary proceedings, and to support the principles of their declarations made to the belligerent powers, and the convention of neutrality, which has been concluded between them; upon the prejudice which will naturally result therefrom to all nations; and upon the desire which the King his master has, that it should be remedied by the vigorous co-operation of her Imperial Majesty; seeing that otherwise the said a.s.sociation of neutrality would be turned but to the benefit of the enemies of France, and that the King who has himself to the present time, exactly conformed to the principles of the above mentioned declaration and convention of neutrality, will find himself, though with regret, under the indispensable necessity of changing in like manner the system which he has. .h.i.therto pursued respecting the commerce and navigation of neutrals, and to order and regulate that according to the conduct which the English themselves pursue, and which has been so patiently borne by the neutral nations; objects upon the subject matter of which, his Majesty has nevertheless thought, that he ought to suspend his final resolution, until he should have concerted measures with her Imperial Majesty upon this business.""
As Mr Adams had left Amsterdam before this memorial appeared, I could not have the benefit of his judgment upon it, but I am so thoroughly acquainted with his political sentiments, that I believe I may say, it would have made no alteration in his opinion touching the expediency of my going forward. It certainly has made none in mine on that point, though it has indeed given me some reason to apprehend, that at present the prospect of success is not so good as before. The experiment ought to be made, what are the real dispositions of that Court towards us, or what they would be if they were better and properly informed about us. Britain most certainly has been industrious in concealing the real state of things from them, and there has not been any one there to counteract her. By this step we shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing whether the Empress wishes to take any friendly concern in our affairs; a point of knowledge perhaps not altogether unprofitable, though it should turn out contrary to our wishes, as it may prevent our amusing ourselves vainly with expectations of important a.s.sistance from Europe, and teach us one wholesome lesson, that America, under the blessing of G.o.d, must depend more upon her own exertions, for the happy establishment of her great political interests.
I think it my duty to apprize Congress, that I have no expectation of any essential support in my commission there, though I shall be careful to appear to be persuaded of the contrary, so long as I may do so without injuring our cause. I doubt whether it is natural for us to expect this support in any part of Europe, for when a nation thinks it will insure to itself a powerful influence over another by being its only friend and ally, why should it seek to procure it other allies, who, by their friendly offices and support, will have a share of that influence, and nearly in the same proportion as the new friends gain it, the old ones must lose it? Some may act upon such a principle. I may, in some future letter, give you more particular reasons, why I am persuaded we ought not to expect any real support, in our attempts to form new alliances, and why the Ministers of Congress in Europe should be encouraged in pursuing a more independent line of conduct. I am sensible this is a matter of much delicacy, and that appearances of the most perfect confidence should be kept up as long as possible. I am sensible, also, that the man who thinks thus, and who wishes to act in conformity to his own sentiments, exposes himself to secret and malicious attacks, which may frequently wound, if not destroy his moral and political reputation, if he has any; but it becomes our duty to think freely, and to communicate freely on some matters, and I hope we may do so _safely_; otherwise, there is an end of all beneficial correspondence, and expectations of rendering any essential services to our country.
I crave your Excellency"s pardon for the length of this letter, and beg leave to subscribe myself, with the highest respect, and most perfect esteem, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] This doubtless refers to France, but the suspicion was not well founded, for when a pacification was proposed through the mediation of Russia and Austria, the Court of France insisted on an express _preliminary condition_, that the United States should be represented by their Ministers as _an independent power_ in the negotiations for peace. It was on this account alone, that England refused to come into the plan of the mediation.
TO THE MARQUIS DE VERAC, FRENCH MINISTER AT ST PETERSBURG.
St Petersburg, August 30th, 1781.
Mr Dana begs leave to acquaint his Excellency, the Marquis de Verac, that he has arrived in town, and proposes to do himself the honor of paying his respectful compliments to his Excellency, as the Minister of the sovereign in alliance with his country, at any hour, which shall be most agreeable to him.
Mr Dana is silent at present with regard to himself, presuming that his Excellency has been already informed by his Excellency, the Count de Vergennes, of his intended journey to this place, and of some circ.u.mstances, which have opened the nature of his business.
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC TO FRANCIS DANA.
Translation.
Thursday, August 30th, 1781.
The Marquis de Verac has the honor to present his compliments to Mr Dana, and is very happy to hear of his arrival, which he had been prepared to expect by the Count de Vergennes; he will be flattered to make his acquaintance, and to a.s.sure him of his eagerness to render him any service in his power in this country.
TO THE MARQUIS DE VERAC, AMBa.s.sADOR FROM FRANCE.
St Petersburg, September 1st, 1781.[19]
Sir,
I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that the Congress of the United States of America have been pleased to charge me with a commission as their Minister at the Court of St Petersburg, and that they have also particularly instructed me to make a communication of the general object of my mission to his Most Christian Majesty"s Minister at the same Court. This last measure was doubtless the effect of that full confidence they have, not only in his Majesty and his Ministers in general, but in your Excellency in an especial manner, and is strongly expressive of their earnest wish and persuasion, that their negotiations at this Court may, and will be conducted in perfect harmony with those of his Majesty, and that they rest a.s.sured, that his benevolence and friendship towards the United States and the general cause of humanity, are sufficient inducements to draw forth the most powerful aid and support of his Majesty in the business of this mission; the general object of which is, to engage her Imperial Majesty to favor and support the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, and to lay a foundation for a good understanding and friendly intercourse between the subjects of her Imperial Majesty and the citizens of the United States, to the mutual advantage of both nations, and consistent with the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States.
Thus a foundation is laid in this quarter, the more strongly to cement the interests and affections of our two countries. And I feel myself inexpressibly happy, that it has fallen to my lot to be connected in this business with a person so distinguished as well for his benevolence of heart as for the eminence of his abilities; and I flatter myself your Excellency will at all times be ready to afford me every a.s.sistance in your power, which I may need in the execution of my mission.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.
FRANCIS DANA.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] Almost all Mr Dana"s letters from Russia were dated in the _Old Style_. In preparing them for the press, the dates have been altered to _New Style_.
THE MARQUIS DE VERAC TO FRANCIS DANA.
Translation.
St Petersburg, September 2d, 1781.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me yesterday, and I cannot too strongly express to you how sensible I am of the mark of confidence, which you have shown me, in communicating the views proposed by the Congress of the United States of America, when they decided to send you to the Court of Russia as their Minister Plenipotentiary to the Empress. You know, Sir, the deep interest, which the King takes in the cause of the United States, and you need not doubt, that I shall be anxious to render you here all the services in my power, and which the circ.u.mstances of place and persons will permit.
At this moment I cannot better reciprocate your confidence than by making you acquainted with the general dispositions of her Imperial Majesty in regard to the powers at war. From the commencement of hostilities, this sovereign has made it a point of honor to hold the balance perfectly equal between the different parties, taking particular care not to manifest any kind of preference, by carefully avoiding every advance, which could indicate the slightest partiality in favor of either of the belligerent powers to the prejudice of the others. It is this equitable and perfectly impartial conduct, which has determined the Courts of the House of Bourbon, as well as that of London and the States-General, to accept the offers of this Princess, when she proposed to terminate their differences by a mediation conjointly with that of the Emperor; and you are certainly not ignorant, Sir, that her first plan of pacification has been sent to all the Courts, that are interested. I confide to you, also, that the United States of America are to take a part in it, and that these august mediators desire that your Deputies may be admitted to the Congress, which shall regulate the pretensions of the belligerent powers, that they may there be able to debate and discuss their own interests. Thus you have in few words the state of things at the Court of Russia, and you will readily comprehend, that her Imperial Majesty, not wishing to dissatisfy the Court of London more than those of Versailles and Madrid, abstains with the greatest possible care from showing any particular inclination for the American cause.
Under these circ.u.mstances, Sir, it is very doubtful whether the Cabinet of her Imperial Majesty will consent to recognise the Minister of a power, which has not as yet, in their eyes, a political existence, and expose themselves to the complaints, which the Court of London will not fail to make against an indication of favor so public.
I ought, therefore, to desire you to reflect much before you display the character with which you are clothed, or make advances which will be more injurious than beneficial to the success of your views. It is not now as the Minister of the King, that I have the honor to speak, but as a man whom the residence of a year in this place has furnished with local knowledge, which you cannot have acquired. If, however, you overcome this difficulty, if you commence a negotiation with the Russian Minister, and will do me the honor to make me acquainted with it, you need not doubt that I shall strive most cheerfully to second you in everything, which shall concern the common interest. Be persuaded, moreover, that on the occasions when I shall deem it my duty to remain inactive, it will be because I am well satisfied, that any advance on my part would be injurious to one, without any advantage to the other.
I can add nothing to the sincerity of my wishes for the success of your mission, or to the distinguished sentiments with which I have the honor to be, &c.