The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution.
Volume XII.
by Various.
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT MORRIS.
CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.
TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Office of Finance, November 3d, 1781.
Sir,
Agreeably to my promise, I have the honor to send you a copy of the circular letter, which I lately transmitted to the several States. This will be an additional proof of my desire to draw from among ourselves the necessary resources, and thereby to become truly independent. But the sincerity with which I have always spoken to you, and which I mean to preserve, and which the generous conduct of your Sovereign demands for his servants, that sincerity will not permit me to conceal my sentiments on what is to be expected.
The annual expenses of this country may certainly be reduced within narrower bounds, than they have hitherto been; perhaps it will be less than I myself have now an idea of. But still it must be considerable, if we mean, which we certainly do, to make becoming efforts in the common cause. Besides this, it will require a considerable revenue to provide the sinking fund for our public debt. As I consider national credit to be an object of the greatest magnitude and importance, so I think it necessary to bend every possible effort to the establishment and support of it. Provision for our debts is, therefore, the first object, and therefore must take place of every other demand.
Whatever may be the wealth of the inhabitants of America, and however capable they may be of bearing heavy taxes, this at least is certain, that they have neither been accustomed to them, nor have the Legislatures. .h.i.therto adopted the proper modes of laying and levying them with convenience to the people. Taxation requires time in all governments, and is to be perfected only by long experience in any country. America, divided as it is into a variety of free States, possessing sovereign power for all domestic purposes, cannot therefore be suddenly brought to pay all which might be spared from the wealth of her citizens. The amount even of that wealth is very disputable. Our extensive forests, though they are valuable as property, are by no means productive to the revenue; and many of our people have endured such losses, that they require alleviation, instead of being able to bear burdens. Besides this, the use of many articles, not strictly necessary, are become so even by that use, and therefore, the mode of living being habitually more expensive than in other countries, requires greater wealth, A good Prince would not suddenly render the lot of his subjects worse. How then are we to expect that the people themselves will do so?
But supposing our taxes could equal the demand for revenue, another circ.u.mstance remains. The paper money, which has been emitted lays in our way to reformation, and we feel it at every step. It has been issued, and the people will with propriety refuse to pay taxes, if it be totally refused. Much, therefore, of the revenue must be in paper, while that paper exists. If it be re-issued after it has been raised in taxes, the mischief attendant on a depreciating medium will still continue. A large nominal revenue may indeed be collected, but that revenue will be nominal. The specie in the country also will be continually secluded from circulation, and by that means, not only the sources of revenue will be dried up, but even the bills of exchange, which may be drawn on Europe, will not find a proper market at their value.
I might add a number of reasons to show the necessity of destroying this paper money; but your residence here has enabled you to see this subject to the bottom, and I have found in conversation your ideas so clear, that I will not attempt to demonstrate what you cannot but perceive at a single glance. But how is it to be done? If a recurrence be again had to the detestable expedient of force, our credit is ruined. Prudence, therefore, forbids any such attempt; besides, it is so dishonest, that I will never have any concern in it. There is then no other means, but to receive the taxes in paper, and to destroy a part, at least, if not the whole.
This method of proceeding will lay a proper foundation for establishing public credit, and when that is established, we well know what good consequences may be drawn. But, in the interim, it is evident that the revenue, even if otherwise equal to our wants, must be deficient. I, therefore, am bound to declare to you my conviction, that we must have aid from abroad. It is unnecessary to add the place from which that aid is to be expected.
It is very painful to ask a.s.sistance in any case, especially in a situation like ours, where the object of the war is to secure what is of the utmost importance to us. But having candidly explained our situation, and shown the impracticability of doing all which I wish, there is a greater propriety in stating to a gentleman, who knows those wishes, the ideas which arise from the nature of that connexion which subsists between the two nations.
The war in America must of necessity prove fatal to Great Britain, if it continues; because it is carried on by her at an expense so disproportionate, to that which is borne by France, that the greater effort must exhaust every fund she can possibly draw forth, and inextricably involve her in eternal debt. If then the object of the war were in itself indifferent to France, the mere continuance of it would alone be a valuable object to her, and indeed, to every other power, particularly to those who are in any degree maritime, as they are most exposed to British encroachment and rapacity. But when we consider that the object of the war is of the last consequence to the commerce of his Majesty"s dominions, and especially so to his marine; and when we further consider, that his honor stands pledged for our support, to doubt of his further a.s.sistance would imply a reflection both on his wisdom and integrity. I hope, Sir, you will believe me to be incapable of casting such reflections.
Let me further take the liberty to observe, that I would by no means detract from the generosity of his Most Christian Majesty, yet the moneys, which he may be disposed to advance to the United States, are neither lost nor thrown away. The subjects of France will for ages derive benefits from a commercial connexion with this country, and I hope their Sovereign will always find here a warm friend and a faithful ally, should any of those changes, to which human affairs are subjected, induce him to ask that aid, which he now bestows.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.[1]
[1] _November 3d._ This day, on the invitation of the Minister of France, I attended at the Romish Church at a _Te Deum_, sung on account of the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army. Soon after arrived the colors taken by General Washington with that array, which were brought by Colonel Humphreys to Chester, there met by Colonel Tilghman, and thence conducted hither by those two Aid-de-Camps of the General. The city troop of light horse went out to meet them, and became the standard bearers, and twentyfour gentlemen, privates in that corps, carried each of them one of the colors displayed. The American and French flags preceding the captured trophies, which were conducted down Market street to the Coffee House, thence down Front to Chestnut street, and up that street to the State House, where they were presented to Congress, who were sitting; and many of the members tell me, that instead of viewing this transaction as a mere matter of joyful ceremony, which they expected to do, they instantly felt themselves impressed with ideas of the most solemn nature. It brought to their minds the distresses our country has been exposed to, the calamities we have repeatedly suffered, the perilous situation, which our affairs have almost always been in; and they could not but recollect the threats of Lord North, that he would bring America to his feet on unconditional terms of submission. _Diary._
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, November 5th, 1781.
Sir,
Copies of the Act of the United States in Congress a.s.sembled, of the 2d instant, have been sent to me, and were yesterday received. It would have given me pleasure to have had an opportunity of expressing my sentiments before those acts were pa.s.sed; but it becomes necessary to take the liberty of doing it now. I, therefore, do myself the honor to enclose a letter written on the 28th day of August last, which was not transmitted before, because Congress were so much engaged, that, as well from that as from other circ.u.mstances, those matters, which it relates to, could not properly be brought before them. In the beginning of that letter, the reference made to me on the 23d of August, of two letters from the State of Ma.s.sachusetts, and of a report upon them, is mentioned. On the 12th of September following, I received the resolutions of that State, which were referred on the 10th; and I have now to observe, that my sentiments on the subject of those resolutions are fully contained in the letter.
I should have sent in that letter, notwithstanding my reasons to the contrary, if I had conceived that any of the subjects it relates to had been in agitation before the United States. And, although Congress have not taken up all the matters mentioned in it, there is some propriety in sending it as it was written, because such objects are better understood when viewed in their connexion with each other, than when separately considered.
I shall say nothing as to the amount of the sum required, because I have not seen the estimates. Congress have certainly considered the supplies necessary, and the abilities of their const.i.tuents.
Immediately after the apportionments, I find the following clause, "that the said sums, when paid, shall be credited to the accounts of the several States on interest, to be hereafter adjusted." I hope that I shall be pardoned for observing, that I cannot see the necessity of this provision, and that ill consequences will probably result from it. As to the necessity, I will suppose that the proportion of any State were rated so high as greatly to exceed its means of payment, or materially to distress the people, surely Congress might afford redress in the next apportionment by relaxing the demands on such State and dividing the deficiency among others. Nor is it of any consequence whether the disproportion arises from error in laying the quotas, or from a subsequent change of circ.u.mstances. It is for this reason that the clause appears unnecessary. The idea of leaving the adjustment of accounts to a future day will discourage the efforts of every State in the Union. They will consider it as determining, in other words, that the accounts shall never be settled at all, or rather, they have already formed that opinion. This has produced discontent, and given rise to complaint. The disputes which must follow cannot but be pernicious. Nor are these the only ill consequences of that provision. I hope that Congress will pardon me, when I state the sentiments, which may arise in the minds of others, although they have no place in my own. Postponing a final adjustment may cast an air of doubt, or even timidity, on the proceedings of the United States. It may be construed into an appearance of leading individual States unwarily into efforts beyond their proportion, or their strength. It may be imagined that there is some want of that firmness and decision, which ought to be the constant companions of sovereign authority. It gives me pain to hazard a difference in opinion with Congress, and, therefore, I quit the subject.
The next article in the Act of the second instant declares, "that certificates, which may be given by the Quarter Master General, or other officers properly authorised to give them for supplies, that shall hereafter be furnished, shall be accepted in payment." This provision may, in some instances be necessary, in some improper, but in all it must be dangerous. I shall not dwell on the consequences of giving these certificates; but I will suggest one idea, which will, perhaps, merit attention. That article is an act of sovereign authority, and therefore while it exists doubts may arise how far the issuing of such certificates can be restrained. If the Quarter Master and others will give certificates, and the States will receive them and tender them to me, I must, according to this act, accept them in payment; but those who contract for supplies to the public, certainly will not take them from me. If, on the other hand, that article be not inserted, the general authorities given to me by Congress are equal to all the necessary regulations in executing their commands. I might, for instance, appoint a trusty person to give certificates in extraordinary cases. I should then know the amount of such certificates, and I could make the necessary arrangements with relation to them.
My sentiments on the next article are so fully expressed in the enclosed letter, that I will not trouble Congress with the repet.i.tion.
I shall only observe, that daily observation and information confirm my fears, that frauds have been practised in giving those certificates, and I must be of opinion, that a general permission to receive them in taxes will be very injurious, not only to the public revenue, but to the reputation of our measures. I am apprehensive that many honest men through the United States, who know the frauds committed in their neighborhoods, will imagine that sufficient attention is not paid to the detection of villany, and that idea will disincline them very much from the payment of taxes, because nothing induces men to part with their money so cheerfully, as the belief that it will be applied to the purposes for which it was granted, with economy and integrity.
What I have written on the subject of a final apportionment may appear to have proceeded from a want of attention to that article of the confederation, which points out the manner of defraying public expenses. But this is not the case. The article in question relates merely to those circ.u.mstances, which shall arise after the completion of it, and makes no provision whatever for past expenses. The several requisitions of Congress do indeed refer to a future settlement, according to the mode expressed in the confederation; but the confederation itself must receive a liberal and equitable construction; much more so those resolutions which refer to it. If this be not the case, it would be madness to expect obedience from free agents independent of each other, which is the situation of the several States. If, then, the article be considered and weighed, even as to the quota of the current year, where certainly it applies with greater force, than to any past transaction, we shall find that it presupposes the following things; first, a certain mode of determining the value of lands, &c., or, in other words, the value of each respective State; secondly, that this mode should not be permanent but variable, and framed from time to time, according to the then existing state of things; thirdly, that it should be founded in liberal principles of justice; no other mode being presumable from those who are to adopt it; fourthly, that the value being thus equitably determined, the expenses of the current year should be estimated according to the best lights, which could be obtained; and fifthly, that this expense should be apportioned according to that valuation.
If these ideas be just, and I think that an inspection of the article itself will show them to be so, then it will follow, that a valuation made for one year cannot properly apply to any preceding or subsequent year; more especially, if any considerable change take place in the respective circ.u.mstances of the several States. Let us, for instance, suppose, that in the year 1776, five hundred acres of land in the State A were worth one thousand pounds; that in the year 1777, they were worth five hundred pounds; and in the year 1778, one hundred pounds; while, during the whole period, five hundred acres in the State B were worth five hundred pounds. Let us suppose the States A and B to have been of the same extent, and that thirty pounds were to have been paid annually by those States according to the apportionment of the confederation, they would then have been charged as follows; in 1776, the State A twenty pounds, and B ten pounds; in 1777, A fifteen pounds, and B fifteen pounds; and in 1778 A five pounds, and B twentyfive pounds. Thus, then, of three times thirty or ninety pounds, A would be chargeable with twenty, fifteen, and five amounting in the whole to forty pounds; and B with ten, fifteen, and twentyfive, amounting in the whole to fifty pounds. The proportion, therefore, between them is as four to five; but the proportion arising from their relative wealth in either of those terms is widely different. In the first, it is as two to one. In the second, as one to one, and in the third, as one to five. Wherefore, if the whole ninety pounds were to have been apportioned on the valuation of the first year, it would have been to A sixty, and to B thirty. On that of the second A fortyfive, and B fortyfive, and on the third A fifteen, and B seventyfive.
If this conclusion be fairly drawn, then a question will arise on this point. Suppose no mode of valuation adopted, how are the quotas to be ascertained? In answer to this question, I state the following positions; first, that the object of the confederation was to make an equitable apportionment; secondly, that Congress will always, when they direct a valuation, do it in an equitable mode; and thirdly, that a valuation is, at present, impracticable, much less a valuation for times past. These things admitted, and the necessity of an apportionment being also admitted, the question answers itself; for no other mode will remain, but by resorting to such lights as Congress may have on the subject, and that they determine as equitably as they can, according to those lights, which is the very thing I have already proposed.
I shall trespa.s.s no longer on your Excellency"s patience, than to mention, that I have detained the copies of those acts, until the further order of Congress. But if they disapprove of it, I shall immediately transmit them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.
Office of Finance, November 6th, 1781.
Sir,
I have been honored with your Excellency"s answer of the 4th to my letter of the 3d instant. I am sure we cannot differ in opinion. It is impossible, that I can doubt the wisdom or integrity of his Most Christian Majesty, or that you can doubt his desire of giving further a.s.sistance to the United States. As to the mode in which that can be done, his Majesty"s convenience, and the situation of affairs will best determine it. I wish to receive pecuniary aid, and when I consider the importance, I am led to expect it. You have doubts on that subject; but the success which has followed from the grants already made, will show so clearly the utility, that you, who see the good effects, and who are so zealously attached to the common cause, will concur with me in your efforts also. The regard you have expressed for the United States, and which, I am sure you feel, gives me the highest reason to expect your good offices on all occasions, which may relate to their welfare, and particularly those in the line of my department, where you are fully sensible a.s.sistance is most necessary.
With the most perfect esteem and respect, I am, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU.
Office of Finance, November 15th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the pleasure to observe to your Excellency, that I have discharged a bill drawn on me by M. Baulny, in favor of M. Roquebrune, for eighty thousand livres, being in part payment of the one hundred and forty thousand livres, which you were so kind as to advance, and for which I beg leave again to express my grateful sense of obligation. The remaining sum of sixtyfour thousand livres, I hold at your order, and had determined to remit it; but having accidentally mentioned the matter to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, he observed to me, that in all probability, you would want money rather in Philadelphia than Virginia, because of the necessary expense, which would arise in transporting stores from Boston. Upon this principle, I deferred sending forward, until I should hear from your Excellency on the subject. M. de la Luzerne has also promised me to mention it in his letters to you.
Before I conclude this letter, I must trespa.s.s one short moment on your patience, to express my congratulations on the important and splendid success, which has crowned the allied arms before Yorktown.
My voice, Sir, cannot add to that glory, which the public sentiment has most deservedly conferred; but you will permit me to a.s.sure you of the high gratification it gives my mind, that you are so much the object of grat.i.tude, applause and esteem, throughout the United States.