TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, May 13th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I had two days ago the pleasure of yours of the 26th of April, and am very happy to have at last received from your hand an account of your safe arrival in Madrid.
The Count de Florida Blanca is allowed to be a man of abilities, but somehow or other there is something in the European understanding different from those we have been used to. Men of the greatest abilities and the most experience are with great difficulty brought to see what appears to us as clear as day. It is habit, it is education, prejudice, what you will, but so it is.
I can state a very short argument, that appears to me a demonstration upon French and Spanish principles alone, that it is more for their interest to employ their naval force in America than in Europe; yet it is in vain, that you state this to a Minister of State. He cannot see it or feel it, at least, in its full force, until the proper point of time is past and it is too late. So I think it may be demonstrated, that it is the interest of France and Spain to furnish America with a handsome loan of money, or even to grant her subsidies; because a sum of money thus expended would advance the common cause, and even their particular interests, by enabling the Americans to make greater exertions than the same sums employed in any other way. But it is in vain to reason in this manner with a European Minister of State. He cannot understand you. It is not within the compa.s.s of those ideas, which he has been accustomed to.
I am happy, however, that at length we have a Minister at Madrid; I am persuaded, that this will contribute vastly to opening the eyes both of France and Spain. I shall be always obliged to you for intelligence, especially concerning your progress in your affair.
I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 13th, 1780.
Sir,
The answer of the King of France to the declaration of the Empress of Russia is as follows, dated April 25th, 1780.
"The war in which the King finds himself engaged, having no other object than the attachment of his Majesty to the principles of the liberty of the seas, he could not but see with a true satisfaction the Empress of Russia adopt this same principle, and show herself resolved to maintain it. That which her Imperial Majesty requires of the belligerent powers, is nothing more than the rules already prescribed to the French marine, the execution of which is supported with an exactness that is known and applauded by all Europe.
"The liberty of neutral vessels, restrained in a small number of cases only, is a direct consequence of the law of nature, the safeguard of nations, the solace even of those, who are afflicted with the scourge of war; thus the King has desired to procure, not only to the subjects of the Empress of Russia, but to those of all the States who have embraced a neutrality, the liberty of navigating upon the same conditions, which are announced in the declaration to which his Majesty answers this day.
"He thinks he has made a great step towards the general good, and prepared an epoch glorious to his reign, in fixing by his example, the rights, which every belligerent power may and ought to acknowledge to be acquired to neutral vessels. His hope has not deceived him, since the Empress, in determining on the most exact neutrality, has declared herself for the system which the King supports, at the expense of the blood of his people, and since she demands the rights, which his Majesty would make the basis of the maritime code. If there were occasions for fresh orders, whereby the vessels of her Imperial Majesty should have no room to fear being disturbed in their negotiation, by the subjects of the King, his Majesty would make haste to give them; but the Empress will, no doubt, repose herself upon the dispositions of his Majesty, contained in the regulations, which he has published. They are not accommodated to present circ.u.mstances, they are founded upon the law of nations, and they are consistent with the character of a Prince, sufficiently happy to find always in the general prosperity the measure of that of his own kingdom. The King wishes that her Imperial Majesty would add to the means, which she may take to fix the nature of merchandises, the commerce of which is reputed contraband in time of war, precise rules concerning the form of sea papers, with which the Russian vessels shall be furnished.
"With this precaution, his Majesty is a.s.sured, that no incident will arise, which will occasion any regret in any of the parties concerned, at the measures taken for rendering the condition of Russian vessels as advantageous as possible in time of war. Happy circ.u.mstances have already more than once put the two Courts in a situation to experience of how much importance it was, that they should explain themselves with openness upon their interests respectively.
"His Majesty felicitates himself, upon having an opportunity to express to her Imperial Majesty his manner of thinking upon a point interesting to Russia, and the commercial powers of Europe. His Majesty applauds so much the more sincerely the principles and views which direct the Empress, as his Majesty enjoys in common with her the same sentiment, which has prompted this Princess to measures, from whence must result equal advantages to their subjects and to all nations."
No state paper, that I have seen this war, has struck me more forcibly than this. The simplicity, openness, sincerity, and truth of it, form a striking contrast to the dissimulation and insincerity, which are so grossly remarkable in the answer of the Court of St James to the same declaration. The one is perfectly becoming the character of an august King, the other is what I shall leave others to name.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S. Copenhagen, 29th of April._ "There have arrived here, within a little time, several couriers from Petersburg, some of whom have been sent back, and others have continued their route for Holland, France, &c. Since the arrival of the last, it is thought that our Court has acceded to the project of an armed neutrality, and that it has already agreed with that of Russia, upon the equipments to be made for this purpose; at least orders have been given to arm as soon as possible two ships of the line, the Princess Sophia Frederica, of seventyfour guns, and the Danebrog, of sixty. These ships, commanded by Krieger and Ellebracht, will go out into the Road immediately. The government have determined not to keep the fleet stationed at Fredericksham, as it has been for five years past; and the Vice Admiral Fischer, who commanded there, having been recalled, will be relieved only by a Captain."
The following orders have been given by the King of England.
"Whereas, after our Order in Council of the 17th of April, 1780, the several treaties, which granted particular privileges to the subjects of the States-General of the United Provinces, relative to their commerce and navigation in time of war, are suspended, and the subjects of the States-General ought to be considered upon the same footing with other neutral States not privileged by treaties, until it shall please us formally to signify the contrary; the commanders of our vessels of war, and those of all ships and vessels of war, which have letters of marque and reprisals, are authorised by these presents and required to seize and detain all ships and vessels, belonging to the subjects of the States-General, when they shall be found to have on board any effects belonging to the enemies of his Majesty, or effects which are considered as contraband, by the general law of nations."
The declaration made to the States-General of the United Provinces by the Court of St James has been followed by prompt effects. The privateer, the Neptune, has carried into Margate, the Grede Vizwagten, going from Amsterdam to Nantes with a load of pitch and tar. This is the fifth vessel taken from the Hollanders by the 5th of May, in consequence of this declaration, which makes so much noise.
J. A.
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, May 15th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I shall not always stand upon ceremonies, nor wait for answers to letters, because useful hints may be given, which would be lost if one were to wait returns of posts.
The British Channel fleet is reckoned this year at from thirtyfour to thirtyseven ships of the line; but it is well known, that they depend upon seamen to be pressed from their first West India fleet, in order to make up this computation, without which they cannot make thirty. It is, therefore, of great importance that this first West India fleet should be intercepted. It will come home the latter end of June, or the beginning of July; certainly not before the middle of June. A ship or two of the line, with a fifty gun ship or two and five or six frigates, would have a great probability of intercepting this fleet.
Is there any service upon which such a number of vessels could be better employed, than in cruising pretty far in the Bay of Biscay, and somewhat north of Cape Clear with this view? It is really astonishing that France and Spain should be so inattentive to the English convoys.
The safest, easiest, and surest way of reducing the power and the spirits of the English is to intercept their trade. It is every year exposed, yet every year escapes; by which means they get spirits to indulge their pa.s.sions, money to raise millions, and men to man their ships.
Pray is it not necessary to think a little of Portugal? Should not Spain, France, and America too, use their influence with Portugal, to shut her ports against the armed vessels of all nations at war, or else admit freely the armed vessels of all? Under her present system of neutrality, as they call it, the ports of Portugal are as advantageous to England as any of her own, and more injurious to the trade of Spain and America if not of France, while they are of no use at all to France, Spain, or America. This little impotent morsel of a State ought not to do so much mischief so unjustly. If she is neutral, let her be neutral; not say she is neutral, and be otherwise.
Would it not be proper for Congress to discover some sensibility to the injuries, which the United States receive from these States, such as Denmark and Portugal? I think they should remonstrate coolly and with dignity; not go to war, nor be in a pa.s.sion about it; but show that they understand their behavior. Denmark restored Jones" and Landais" prizes to England, without knowing why. Why would it not do to remonstrate; then prohibit any of the productions of Portugal from being consumed in America?
The prospect brightens in the West Indies. De Guichen has arrived. De la Motte Piquet has defended himself very well, secured his convoys, fought the English, even with inferior force, and got the better. De Guichen"s appearance dissipated all thoughts of their expedition, and threw the English Islands into great consternation; but you will see in the public prints all the news.
The force from Brest, which sailed on the 2d, and that from Cadiz, which I hope sailed as soon or sooner, will not diminish the terror and confusion of the English in America and the islands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have delivered to the Chevalier de la Colombe, formerly aid-de-camp to the Marquis de Lafayette, and afterwards to the Baron de Kalb, and one of my fellow pa.s.sengers in the leaky Sensible to Ferrol, a number of letters and three packets of newspapers. He goes in the Alliance.
In a private letter, which I have received from Brussels, I am informed there is a talk of opening the navigation of Antwerp. This is a hint. And in the Gazette of France of this day, is a paragraph from Vienna of the 14th of April, which is another. This Court (Vienna) not having yet made any maritime treaty with the States of Barbary, and as its commerce in the Mediterranean may be exposed to their corsairs, their Imperial and Royal Majesties have resolved in their Council, that there shall be this year equipped at Trieste and at Fiume one ship and two frigates of war, for the protection of the commerce of their subjects.
Time will discover whether there is any English politics in either of them. Two and twenty millions a year is enough, without sending additional millions in subsidies.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.