The disputes about the Alliance, have been so critical and disagreeable, that Congress will pardon me for making a few observations upon our arrangements here.
I apprehend, that many of the disputes, delays, and other inconveniences, that have attended our affairs in this kingdom, have arisen from blending the offices of political Minister, Board of Admiralty, Chamber of Commerce, and Commercial Agent together. The business of the Minister is to negotiate with the Court, to propose and consult upon plans for the conduct of the war, to collect and transmit intelligence from other parts, especially concerning the designs and the forces of the enemy. This is business enough for the wisest and most industrious man the United States have in their service, aided by an active, intelligent, and laborious secretary. But added to all this, our Ministers at the Court of Versailles, have ever been overloaded with commercial and Admiralty business, complicated and perplexed in its nature, and endless in its details. But for this, I am persuaded much more might have been done in the conduct of the war, and the United States might have had more effectual a.s.sistance, and France and Spain too fewer misfortunes to bewail.
I would, therefore, beg leave to propose, to appoint a consul without loss of time to reside at Nantes, and to him consign all vessels from the United States. I think it should be an American, some merchant of known character, abilities, and industry, who would consent to serve his country for moderate emoluments. Such persons are to be found in great numbers in the United States. There are many applications from French gentlemen. But I think that a want of knowledge of our language, our laws, customs, and even the humors of our people, for even these must be considered, would prevent them from giving satisfaction, or doing justice. Besides, if it is an honor, a profit, or only an opportunity to travel and see the world for improvement, I think the native Americans have a right to expect it; and further, that the public have a right to expect that whatever advantages are honestly to be made in this way, should return sometime or other to America; together with the knowledge and experience gained at the same time.
These consuls, as well as the foreign Ministers, should all be instructed to transmit to Congress, written accounts of the civil and military const.i.tutions of the places where they are, as well as all the advantages for commerce with the whole world, especially with the United States. These letters preserved, will be a repository of political and commercial knowledge, that in future times may be a rich treasure to the United States. To these consuls, the commercial concerns of the public should be committed, and the vessels of war. It will be necessary sometimes to send a frigate to Europe to bring intelligence, to bring pa.s.sengers, even, perhaps, to bring commodities, or fetch stores. But I hope no frigate will ever again be sent to cruise, or be put under the command of anybody in Europe, consul or Minister. They may receive their orders from the Navy Board in America, and be obliged to obey them. I have had a great deal of experience in the government of these frigates, when I had the honor to be one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, and afterwards at Nantes, L"Orient, and Brest, when I was seeking a pa.s.sage home. Disputes were perpetually arising between officers and their crews, between captains and their officers, and between the officers of one ship and another. There were never officers enough to compose a court martial, and n.o.body had authority to remove or suspend officers without their consent; so that in short, there was little order, discipline, subordination, or decency.
Another thing, when frigates are under the direction of an authority at a distance of three or four hundred miles, so much time is lost in writing and sending letters and waiting for answers, it has been found an intolerable embarra.s.sment to the service. It is now two years since consuls were expected, and a secretary to this mission. It is a great misfortune to the United States that they have not arrived. Every man can see that it has been a great misfortune, but none can tell how great. There is much reason to believe, that if our establishments here had been upon a well digested plan and completed, and if our affairs had been urged with as much skill and industry as they might in that case have been, that we should at this moment have been blessed with peace, or at least with tranquillity and security, which would have resulted from a total expulsion of the English from the United States and the West India Islands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, June 29th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter of the Count de Vergennes to me, of the 21st of this month, and a copy of my answer to his Excellency, of the 22d.
This correspondence is upon a subject that has lain much out of the way of my particular pursuits, and, therefore, I may be inaccurate in some things; but, in the principles, I am well persuaded I am right. I hope that things are explained so as to be intelligible, and that there is nothing inconsistent with that decency, which ought in such a case to be observed.
If your Excellency thinks me materially wrong in anything, I should be much obliged to you to point it out to me, for I am open to conviction.
This affair, in America, is a very tender and dangerous business, and requires all the address, as well as all the firmness of Congress, to extricate the country out of the embarra.s.sment arising from it; and there is no possible system, I believe, that could give universal satisfaction to all; but this appears to me, to promise to give more general satisfaction, than any other that I have ever heard suggested.
I have added copies of the whole correspondence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, June 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 22d inst. on the subject of the resolution of Congress of the 18th of March last. I have already informed you, that it was by no means my intention to a.n.a.lyse this resolution, as it respects the citizens of the United States, nor examine whether circ.u.mstances authorise the arrangement or not. I had but one object in writing to you with the confidence I thought due to your knowledge and your attachment to the alliance, which was to convince you that the French ought not to be confounded with the Americans, and that there would be a manifest injustice in making them sustain the loss with which they are threatened.
The details into which you have thought proper to enter have not changed my sentiments; but I think that all further discussion on this subject will be needless, and I shall only observe, that if the King"s Council considers, as you pretend, the resolution of Congress in a wrong point of view, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who is on the spot, will not fail to elucidate the matter; and if Congress on their part shall not adopt the representations, which that Minister is charged to make to them, they will undoubtedly communicate to us their reasons to justify their refusal.
Should they be well founded the King will take them into consideration, his Majesty demanding nothing but the most exact justice. But should they be otherwise, he will renew his instances to the United States, and will confidently expect from their penetration and wisdom a decision conformable to his demand. His Majesty is the more persuaded that Congress will give their whole attention to this business, as this a.s.sembly, which has frequently renewed the a.s.surance, values, as well as yourself, Sir, the union which subsists between France and the United States, and that they will a.s.suredly perceive that the French deserve a preference before other nations, who have no treaty with America, and who even have not, as yet, acknowledged her Independence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, July 1st, 1780.
Sir,
I had this morning the honor of your letter of the 30th of June.
It is very certain, that the representations from his Majesty, which may be made by his Minister, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, will be attended to by Congress with all possible respect; and its due weight will be given to every fact and argument, that he may adduce; and I am well persuaded, that Congress will be able to give such reasons for their final result, as will give entire satisfaction to his Majesty, and remove every color of just complaint from his subjects.
As in my letter of the 22d of last month, I urged such reasons as appeared to me incontestible, to show that the resolution of Congress of the 18th of March, connected with the other resolution, to pay the loan office certificates, according to the value of money at the time they were emitted, being a determination to pay the full value of all the bills and certificates, which were out; and the depreciation of both being more the act and fault of their possessors than of government, was neither a violation of the public faith, nor an act of bankruptcy. I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, that any further discussion of these questions is unnecessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 6th, 1780.
Sir,
In the public papers of the latter end of June, are lists of the vessels of war and privateers taken and destroyed by the powers at war.
VESSELS TAKEN FROM FRANCE.
Vessels. Guns.
Protee, 64 Taken by Admiral Digby, Fortune, 42 " " " Rowley, Blanche, 36 " " " "
Prudente, 36 Ruby, Everett, Danae, 34 Experiment, Wallace, Sartine, 32 Admiral Vernon, Licorne, 32 " "
Alcmene, 30 Proserpine, Sutton, Oiseau, 26 Apollo, Pownal, Adventure, 26 Admiral Arbuthnot, Pilote, 14 Commodore Reynolds, Mutin, 14 Commodore Reynolds, Coureur, 14 Admiral Keppel.
_Destroyed._
Valeur, 26 Experiment, Wallace, Recluse, 24 " "
VESSELS TAKEN BY FRANCE.