"In effect, High and Mighty Lords, after having seen myself in public, the object of accusations and calumnies the most atrocious, (but which I have always despised as such, and of which I shall never take notice, while no one presents himself to support them) after that they had excited against me a general cry, as if my person could be no longer endured, it was necessary for me still further to suffer, that the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, and namely the two reigning Burgomasters, Messieurs Temminck and Rendorp, accompanied with the Pensionary Vischer, should have addressed themselves to my Lord, the Prince of Orange, and in presence of the Counsellor Pensionary of Holland, should have read to him a certain memorial, in the name and by the order of their const.i.tuents, who are therein throughout introduced as speaking in the name of the Regency of Amsterdam, and in which I receive an affront the most sensible for an upright heart. It is true, that the Deputies whom I have just named, took back with them this memorial; but, since, changing their plan, they have thought fit to transmit it, on the 14th of the month, by the Burgomaster Rendorp, not indeed in the name of the Regency of Amsterdam, but in that of the gentlemen the Burgomasters to the Counsellor Pensionary, praying him to transmit it to the Prince, to whom they left the liberty to make such use of it as should seem to him convenient.
"Informed in this way, and by the communication which his Highness made to me of it, of the contents of this memorial, I there found so long a concatenation of expressions and reasonings, each more insulting than the other, against my person, which I should be afraid to abuse the attention of your High Mightinesses by inserting them here; lest, however, I should represent them out of their order, and the chain which connects them together, your High Mightinesses will pardon me, I hope, if I transcribe from the memorial, the periods which relate to me, and by which I am attacked.
"After having made several reflections, which in nowise concern me, and which I ought, consequently, to leave to be answered by those who are attacked by them, but which tend to justify the proposition, which the gentlemen, the Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, made the 18th of May last, in the a.s.sembly of the States of Holland in particular, to join to his Highness a privy council or committee, the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, continue to address themselves to the Prince literally in these terms."
[Here follows the substance of the representations of the Burgomasters, contained in my letter to Congress, of the 26th of June, 1781.]
"In those pieces, which I have just now literally related, your High Mightinesses will perceive, and probably not without indignation, that after a train of reflections, each more injurious than the other, in which there is no accusation against me as Field Marechal, and which, moreover, are only grounded upon pretended public sentiments and reports artfully circulated, that nevertheless the gentlemen, the Burgomasters, have judged it necessary to insist that his Highness would remove me from his person and Court, in a manner the most disgraceful, and condemn me without further examination, as a criminal attainted and convicted to dishonorable exile.
"I cannot then but consider a proceeding, accompanied with so many odious and humiliating expressions, which is not made by simple individuals, but a deputation of two reigning Burgomasters, with the Pensionary of one of the most considerable cities of Holland, in the name and by the order of the Regency of that city, (according to the terms of the memorial, although according to the letter whereof I have spoken of the Burgomaster Rendorp, it was only in the name of the gentlemen, the Burgomasters of that city) and that in a formal manner, after mature deliberation, and after having confirmed this action in the most injurious manner, by taking back the memorial, and causing it to be sent to his Highness, I cannot, I say, but consider this proceeding as wounding, in the most violent manner, my character and my person; and in this same writing, where they dare not specify any crime to my charge, and where they are obliged to acknowledge the falsity of the reports which have circulated against me, and of the suspicions of an excessive and illicit attachment to the English Court, of bad faith and of corruption, they appear, notwithstanding, to give credit to these calumnies, and to be willing to cast upon me the blame of the evils of the times, to the end, to exculpate those who are the true causes of it. I should think myself unworthy of bearing any longer the character that your High Mightinesses have confided to me, if I testified upon this article an indifference or an insensibility.
"I dare also a.s.sure myself, that your High Mightinesses will consider my proceeding in the same point of light, and that they will agree with me, that it is of the highest importance to know, if he, whom your High Mightinesses have clothed with the dignity of Field Marechal, whom they have engaged and continued in their service in the manner abovementioned, is in fact the true cause of the deplorable state of the weakness of the Republic, of all the negligence they suppose to have taken place, of all the false steps, that they say have been taken, and of all the unhappy consequences, that have resulted from them. Your High Mightinesses are to examine in the most exact manner, things so interesting, and to see if this person is the source of the distrust and disunion; for what reasons he would be totally unuseful and prejudicial to the service of the State and of his Highness; what are the proofs of his want of affection to the country; in one word, for what reason he should be hereafter unworthy of the confidence of the Prince, who is placed at the head of this Republic, to whose testimony I here take the liberty of appealing; finally, for what reason he hath merited to be removed from the person of his Highness, and of his Court, as a perpetual obstacle to the good intelligence between his Highness and the Court.
"And as my honor is more dear to me than life, and as I am attacked in a part so sensible, it is also for this reason, and in consideration of that, which I owe to myself even, and to the relations, which I have as well with this State and to your High Mightinesses, as to those which I still have with his Imperial and Royal Majesty, to which otherwise I should be too much wanting, that I see myself obliged to address myself to your High Mightinesses, and by them to all the confederates, to supplicate them respectfully, and to insist in the most express manner, that your High Mightinesses would deign, after the most severe and scrupulous examination, to take such measures in protecting efficaciously the character, which your High Mightinesses have confided to me, that I may be justified in a proper manner from the blame, that the abovementioned proceeding hath cast upon me, and that so sensible an affront as hath been offered me by it, may be suitably repaired; that to this end it may please your High Mightinesses to direct things in such a manner, that the four reigning Burgomasters of Amsterdam, who have caused to be delivered in their name the said Memorial, according to the letter of Burgomaster Rendorp, be obliged, as well as the Pensionary Vischer, to allege the reasons they have had of injuring me so grievously as they have done by the said proceeding, and by the accusation, therein contained, and to verify the whole in a suitable manner, which I cannot but consider all that, which is there said as calumnies, and that they may be obliged, moreover, to specify more precisely the other heads of accusation, that they pretend to allege to my charge, and to bring the requisite judiciary proofs of them; and in case that they can specify nothing, or that they cannot prove sufficiently their allegations, that the authors of the infamous reports circulated against me may be sought out, to the end, that they may be punished as calumniators, according to their deserts; finally, that your High Mightinesses will then, conjointly with all the confederates, take such justificatory resolutions, as will save my honor and my reputation in the nation, and in the eyes of all Europe; that thus I may be placed in a situation to support with proper dignity the character, which your High Mightinesses have given me, and that I may obtain the satisfaction, that your High Mightinesses, according to their profound wisdom and known equity, shall judge equivalent to the affront offered to my character and my relations.
"I have the honor to be, with the most sincere and respectful attachment, High and Mighty Lords, your High Mightinesses" most humble, most obedient, and faithful servant, L. DUC DE BRUNSVIC."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Amsterdam, July 5th, 1781.[1]
Sir,
The following is an extract from the registry of the resolutions of their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries.
_Thursday, June the 20th, 1781._ His Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Na.s.sau, having appeared in the a.s.sembly, made to their High Mightinesses the following proposition.
"High and Mighty Lords,
"I have judged necessary to propose to your High Mightinesses to examine, with the greatest care, if, since the present troubles have arisen, proper attention has been paid to the placing the marine of the State in that situation, that it had been able to act efficaciously against an enemy, particularly one so strongly armed by sea as the kingdom of Great Britain is, or if any negligence or supineness hath had place in that respect, and in that case, to what it ought to be attributed; and to the end to receive the necessary information on that head, to write to the respective Colleges of Admiralty, that they may make report, and declare how many vessels they had in 1776, and how many were then equipped, and with how many men, what they have done since the English have begun to molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country, employed in the West India trade under pretext of the disputes arisen with their colonies in North America, and by consequence from the end of 1776 and the beginning of 1777, to place themselves as much as was possible and in their power, in a state to protect the commerce of this country, and what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that it was to be feared, that the Republic would have a share in them, for to put it as much as depended on them, in a state of not only protecting her commerce, but also to be able to a.s.sist in defending the country, and in attacking the enemy; if they have been active to effect that, which hath been resolved by your High Mightinesses for this object, or if there has been a negligence in this respect; and in that case, for what reason they have not executed these resolutions; if it has been possible for them to furnish the ships put in commission and equip them, to the end, that it may appear from whence it arises, that the Republic finds itself in so deplorable a state of defence by sea, which is certainly the point the most interesting in this war, and upon which all the inhabitants of this country have an eye. Although on this occasion I make only mention of the defence by sea, I esteem it necessary to represent to your High Mightinesses, that I am very far from avowing by that, that the land forces of this State are sufficient to a.s.sure us, that the country is in a respectable state of defence by land.
"I do not think myself under the necessity of justifying my conduct, and that your High Mightinesses are ignorant of the efforts I have made since my majority to place everything, which regards this Republic, in a respectable posture of defence; nevertheless, I have thought it in my power to represent to your High Mightinesses, that I have on more than one occasion, given it as my opinion, that this Republic ought to be placed not only by land but also by sea, in a proper state of defence, to the end to be able to maintain its liberty and independence, and not to be obliged to take measures contrary to the true interests of the country; but conformable to those of a power from whose menaces it has at length more to fear, because it is not in a state to resist it.
"It is for that reason that even in the beginning of 1771, I have given to understand, that the Deputies of the Province of Holland and West Friesland had proposed in the a.s.sembly of your High Mightinesses, by the express orders of the gentlemen, the States their const.i.tuents, to cause to be formed a pet.i.tion for the construction of twentyfour vessels of war; that I have not neglected to insist upon all occasions, as well upon the re-establishment of the marine as upon the augmentation of the land forces, and to press particularly more than once the conclusion of the pet.i.tion for the construction of vessels.
"It is for the same reason, that in the beginning of the year 1775, upon occasion of the exertions made by the gentlemen, the Commissaries of your High Mightinesses for the affairs of war, with some members of the Council of State, to conciliate the different sentiments of the respective confederates, in regard to the plan of augmentation of the land forces, proposed by the Council of State, the 19th of July, 1773, I have made a conciliatory proposition to this purport, viz. "that the sum for the department of war should be fixed at six hundred thousand florins for the marine, and to make amends for that, that the sum of one million five hundred thousand florins demanded in 1773, for an augmentation to be made of the land forces, should be reduced to nine hundred thousand florins;" which proposition was embraced at that time by the gentlemen, the States of Guelderland, Friesland, Overyssel, and Gronigen, but hath had no further operation.
"I shall not allege here the entreaties that I have annually made with the Council of State by the general pet.i.tion; but shall communicate only to your High Mightinesses the proposition that I have made to the a.s.sembly of the gentlemen, the States of Holland and West Friesland, the 10th of March, 1779, which is of the same tenor with the letter I wrote the same day to the gentlemen, the States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, a copy of which I have the honor to remit to your High Mightinesses. I cannot disguise that in my opinion it was to have been wished, that what I then proposed had been more attended to, since I dare a.s.sure myself that if the republic had found it good at that time to have caused to be armed fifty or sixty vessels well equipped, and provided with every necessary, whereof not less than twenty or thirty should have been of the line, and to have augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men of foot, it would not have found itself in its present unhappy circ.u.mstances, but it would have been respected as an independent State by all the powers, it would have been able to maintain the system of neutrality, which it had embraced; and it would have seen itself in a state to promise itself with reason, under the divine benediction, that in giving great weight to the party to which it should be joined, it would not have been to be feared that any power whatsoever would have attacked it, but that it would have been managed by each, and that her friendship being sought by all, and not giving to any one of them just causes of complaint, it would have obtained the esteem and confidence of all the powers, which would have produced the best effects for the true interests of this State, certainly and in every case, if it had been attacked by an unjust war, to which a State is always exposed, it would have seen itself in a state to make an opposition with hopes of success, and of obliging the enemy to seek the friendship of this State, upon honorable terms for the Republic."
The following is the letter from his Serene Highness to the Lords, the States of Guelderland, Zealand, Utrecht, Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, dated March 10th, 1779.
"n.o.ble and Mighty Lords, intimate and good Friends;--We think ourselves obliged to communicate to your n.o.ble Mightinesses our sentiments respecting one of the most important objects of your deliberations, viz. we are very far from judging that it would be expedient that this Republic should renounce the lawful rights, which appertain to its inhabitants in virtue of solemn treaties; we think, on the contrary, that they ought to be maintained by all the means that Providence hath placed in the hands of this Republic, but that it belongs only to your n.o.ble Mightinesses, and to the n.o.ble Mighty Lords, the States of the other Provinces to decide, when it is time that their High Mightinesses ought to take the resolution of granting an unlimited protection to their commercial inhabitants, and that their High Mightinesses not having engaged themselves by any treaty whatsoever with any foreign power, to protect all branches of commerce without distinction, no one hath a right to exact from them, that, in granting protection, they ought to grant it to all vessels without distinction, without leaving to their prudence to decide if they are in a condition to protect all the branches of commerce; and if they can do it in the present moment without hazarding important interests, and exposing themselves to the greatest danger.
"We think, then, that in this case it will be proper to pay no regard to anything else than the true interests of the Republic, and it is for this reason that before a final resolution is taken to convoy vessels loaded with wood, it would be necessary to examine the state of the Republic, both by land and sea. In our opinion, nothing will be more expedient for this Republic than an exact and punctual neutrality, without prejudicing the treaties which it has with foreign powers, but we think that to maintain and support it efficaciously, and not only for so long a time as it may please one of the belligerent powers to require of the Republic, in a violent and threatening manner, that it takes a part, that it will be proper that the Republic be put in an armed state, that to this end it will be necessary to equip at least fifty or sixty vessels, not less than twenty or thirty of them of the line, and to augment the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men, and that the frontier places should be put in a proper state of defence, and the magazines provided with the requisite munitions of war. In which case we are of opinion, that the Republic would be respected by all the powers, and could do, without obstacle, what is permitted it by the treaties, or would not be prevented from doing and acting what it should judge proper to its true interests.
"For these reasons we judge, that the fidelity we owe to our country requires us to offer this consideration to the enlightened minds of your n.o.ble Mightinesses, and to give your n.o.ble Mightinesses the deliberation of it, to take a resolution, to the end that by the construction of a considerable number of vessels, and particularly of the line, the marine may be reinforced, and that by the augmentation of the monthly pay or premiums, or by such other arrangements as your n.o.ble Mightinesses, and the Lords, the States of the other Provinces, shall judge proper, it may be effected that the sailors necessary to equip them be procured, and that at the same time your n.o.ble Mightinesses grant the sums for the necessary augmentation, to the end to carry the land forces to the number of fifty or sixty thousand men, and for the pet.i.tions respecting the fortifications and magazines.
"When your n.o.ble Mightinesses and the Lords the States of the other Provinces shall have done that, and this reinforcement, both by sea and land, shall have been carried into execution, we think that this is the epoch when the Republic may with advantage, and as an independent State, take the resolution of maintaining the rights which appertain to their inhabitants according to the treaties, and particularly that of Marine, in 1674. But before the Republic is put in a respectable state of defence, we should fear, that a resolution to take under convoy all vessels indiscriminately, according to the letter of the said treaty, and particularly vessels loaded with ship timber, might have very bad consequences for the true interests of this State, and expose the honor of its flag to an affront. And is for this reason we are of opinion, that it would be proper, that it should be resolved by an ulterior resolution, that the vessels loaded with masts, knees, beams, and other kinds of wood necessary to the construction of ships of war should not be taken under convoy, before an equipment of fifty or sixty vessels, (not less than twenty or thirty of them of the line,) is ready, and before having augmented the land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men of foot; but that in the meantime, to the end to protect as much as possible, the general commerce of this country, without exposing the important interests of the State, the necessary convoys as they were announced, shall be granted to all other vessels not loaded with contraband effects, to the end that all the branches of commerce may not be suspended and left without protection, during the time of the deliberation upon the protection of one branch only. We expect, that when the Republic shall be put into this armed state, all the powers will leave her to exercise the right which belongs to her of keeping an exact neutrality, and of observing also on their part, everything which the treaties it hath made may require, &c."
Which having been deliberated, their High Mightinesses have thanked his Serene Highness for the said proposition.
"They regard it as a new mark of his a.s.siduous zeal and solicitude for the interests of the State, in declaring that their High Mightinesses acknowledged with grat.i.tude, all the efforts that his Serene Highness hath employed since his majority, and in particular since the commencement of the war between the two neighboring kingdoms, to put the Republic in a proper state of defence, both by sea and land, and could have wished that these efforts might have had the desired effect in every respect; and besides, it has been found good and resolved, that conformably to the proposition of his Serene Highness, it shall be notified to the respective Colleges of the Admiralty, (in sending to them a copy of the said proposition,) that they make report and render an account how many vessels they had in 1776; in what condition they were, and how many of them were equipped with the number of men; afterwards what they have done since the English have begun to molest the ships of the inhabitants of this country trading to the West Indies, under pretext of disputes arisen with their Colonies in North America, and thus from the end of the year 1776, and at the beginning of 1777, to put themselves in a condition, as much as was possible and in their power, to protect the commerce of this country, and what they have done since the troubles have begun in Europe, and that it was to be feared that the Republic would become a party, to put themselves in a condition for what depended upon them, to protect not only their commerce, but also to be able to aid in defending the country and attacking the enemy; if they have been active to carry into effect what your High Mightinesses have resolved upon this subject, and if any negligence hath had place in this regard, and in this case, for what reasons they have not executed those resolutions; if they have been in a possibility of supporting and equipping the vessels put in commission, to the end that it may appear to what we ought to attribute the present situation."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Mr Adams arrived at Paris on the 6th of July, and consequently could not have written this letter in Amsterdam on the 5th, although it is thus dated in the original. He was absent during the whole month of July, and yet several letters, as will be seen, are dated at Amsterdam in that time. These letters contain chiefly intelligence, which was probably collected by his Secretary, under different dates during Mr Adams" absence, and forwarded by him on his return without altering the dates. This will account for the circ.u.mstance of letters being dated throughout the month of July, both at Amsterdam and Paris.
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Versailles, July 7th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that upon an intimation from you, signified to me by M. Berenger, and afterwards by the Duc de la Vauguyon, that the interest of the United States required me here, I arrived last night in Paris, and am come today to Versailles, to pay my respects to your Excellency, and receive your further communications. As your Excellency was in council when I had the honor to call at your office, and as it is very possible that some other day may be more agreeable, I have the honor to request you to appoint the time, which will be most convenient for me to wait on you.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
The foregoing letter I sent by my servant, who waited until the Count descended from council, when he delivered it into his hand. He broke the seal, read the letter, and said he was very sorry he could not see Mr Adams, but he was obliged to go into the country immediately after dinner; that Mr Adams, _seroit dans le cas de voir M. de Rayneval_, who lived at such a sign in such a street. After dinner, I called on M. Rayneval, who said; M. le Duc de la Vauguyon has informed me, that there is a question of a pacification, under the mediation of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia, and that it was necessary that I should have some consultations at leisure with the Count de Vergennes, that we might understand each other"s views; that he would see the Count tomorrow morning, and write me when he would meet me; that they had not changed their principles nor their system; that the treaties were the foundation of all negotiation. I said, that I lodged at the hotel de Valois, where I did formerly; that I should be ready to wait on the Count when it would be agreeable to him, and to confer with him upon everything relative to any proposition, which the English might have made. He said the English had not made any propositions, but it was necessary to consider certain points, and make certain preparatory arrangements; to know whether we were British subjects, or in what light we were to be considered, &c. Smiling, I said, I was not a British subject, that I had renounced that character many years ago, forever; and that I should rather be a fugitive in China or Malabar, than ever rea.s.sume that character.
On the 9th, was brought me by one of the Count de Vergennes" ordinary commissaries the following billet.
M. DE RAYNEVAL TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, July 9th, 1781.
Sir,
I have had the honor to inform you, that the Count de Vergennes desired to have an interview with you, and it will give him pleasure if you can meet him on Wednesday next, at nine o"clock in the morning.
Meantime, I have the honor to be, &c.
GERARD DE RAYNEVAL.