Amsterdam, January 16th, 1782.
Sir,
The following verbal insinuation made by the Baron de Noleken, Envoy of Sweden at London, to my Lord Stormont, the 31st of August, 1781, is of importance to show the intentions of the maritime confederacy.
"The King has no occasion at this time to declare the principles, which have determined his conduct, from the time when he ascended the throne of his ancestors. He has been guided by the love of peace; and he would have wished to see all the powers of Europe enjoy the same happiness, equally constant and durable. These wishes dictated by the sentiments of humanity, which are natural to him, have not been satisfied. The flames of war, enkindled in another hemisphere, have communicated themselves to Europe, but the King still flattered himself that this conflagration, would not pa.s.s the bounds to which it was confined, and above all that a nation merely commercial, which had announced a neutrality as an invariable foundation of her conduct, would not be involved in it. Nevertheless, the contrary has happened almost at the very moment, when this power had contracted the most innocent engagements with the King and his two allies in the north.
"If a neutrality the most exact, which was ever observed has not been able to warrant the King from feeling at first the inconveniences of the war, by the considerable losses, which were sustained by his trading subjects; by a stronger reason he was able to foresee the vexatious consequences when these disorders should become more extensive, when an open war, between Great Britain and the Republic of Holland should multiply them; finally, when the commerce of neuters was about to suffer new shackles by the hostilities, which were to be committed between these two powers. Accordingly the King did not fail soon to perceive it, and sincerely to wish, that the measures taken by the Empress of Russia, for extinguishing in its beginning the flame of this new war, had been followed with a perfect success. But as this salutary work has not been carried to perfection, the King has resolved to join himself to his allies, the Empress of Russia and the King of Denmark, to endeavor to dispose his Britannic Majesty to adopt those pacific sentiments, which their High Mightinesses, the States-General, have already manifested by their consent, to open a negotiation of peace.
"If such were the dispositions of this monarch, as it ought not to be doubted, it seems that a suspension of hostilities should be a preliminary, by so much the more essential to their accomplishment, as military operations necessarily influencing a negotiation of this nature, would only serve to embarra.s.s and to prolong it, while the allied Courts would not wish for anything so much, as to be able to accelerate it by all the means, which might serve for the satisfaction and advantage of the two belligerent parties. In the sincerity and the rect.i.tude of the intentions, which animate his Majesty, as well as his allies, he cannot conceal the apprehension he is in, with regard to the continuation of the war, from whence may arise vexatious incidents, capable of exciting all sorts of wrangles and most disagreeable disputes.
"This motive, and still more, that of preventing a still greater effusion of blood, are proper to operate upon the heart of the King of Great Britain; and in the entire confidence, which his Majesty places in it, he would feel a real satisfaction, if by his good offices and by his mediation joined to that of his allies, he could succeed in terminating the differences, which have arisen between his Britannic Majesty and the States-General of the United Provinces."
They write from Stockholm, that the Court of London has thought proper to make representations to that of Sweden, concerning the rencounter which a convoy of merchant ships, under the escort of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, had with the English squadron of Commodore Stewart, who would have visited these merchant ships. The Court of London pretends, that he was authorised to make such a visit, even in virtue of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality, concluded between the three powers of the north; but that the Court of Stockholm, far from blaming the refusal of the Captain of the Jaramas, to permit the visit, had highly approved his conduct, and answered, "that this officer had acted, conformably to his duty, for that the regulation in one of the articles of the convention of the armed neutrality in regard to the visits of merchant ships, respected only the vessels, which navigated without convoy, but not at all those which should be found under convoy, and consequently under the protection of a sovereign flag (Pavillon,) the warranty of the nature of their cargo, and of the property."
_Petersburg, December 14th, 1781._ "The Minister of Sweden having communicated, by express order of the King his master, to our Court, the complaints which that of London had made, concerning the rencounter of the Swedish frigate, the Jaramas, with the squadron of Commodore Keith Stewart, as well as the answer, which had been given to those complaints, the Vice Chancellor, the Count d"Ostermann, declared the day before yesterday to this Minister, "that her Imperial Majesty highly approved the answer of the Court of Stockholm, and found it in all points conformable to the principle, which she herself would follow in a parallel case. In consequence, if contrary to all appearance, the Court of London should not be satisfied with it, and should pretend to be able to visit neutral merchant ships, which should be found under the protection of the King, or under that of the sovereign flag of one of the allies, her Imperial Majesty would be always ready to concur, and to co-operate with his Swedish Majesty and the other allies, to oppose themselves to it, as well as to maintain the independence and respect due to their respective flags." At the same time, orders have been sent to all the Ministers of the Empress, at the belligerent powers, that "in case there should arise just complaints or difficulties, with relation to the detention, the capture, the carrying off, or the ill treatment, which merchant ships, navigating under the flag of this empire, or under that of one of the allies of the convention of neutrality, shall have suffered, from ships of war or armed vessels, of one or another of the belligerent powers, they should make at first, in such case, every one in his place, the necessary representations and requisitions, for reclaiming the said vessels, the reparation of losses, &c. and concur and concert to this effect with the other Ministers of the contracting Courts, without asking or waiting for further orders. The allied Courts will be requested, moreover, to give the orders to their respective Ministers residing near the belligerent powers." A courier, despatched this day to the Hague and to London, carries these orders to the Ministers of the Empress, as well as the acts of accession of the Emperor to the principles of the convention of neutrality. The day before yesterday, the usual day of the conferences with the Vice Chancellor, he communicated the same acts to the foreign Ministers."
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Amsterdam, February 14th, 1782.
Dear Sir,
Yesterday the duplicate of your letter of the 23d of October was brought to me, the original is not yet arrived. It is with great pleasure I learn, that a Minister is appointed for foreign affairs, who is so capable of introducing into that department an order, a constancy, and an activity, which could never be expected from a committee of Congress, so often changing, and so much engaged in other great affairs, however excellent their qualifications or dispositions.
Indeed, Sir, it is of infinite importance to me to know the sentiments of Congress; yet I have never known them in any detail or with any regularity, since I have been in Europe. I fear Congress have heard as little from me since I have been in Holland. My despatches by the way of St Eustatia, and by several private vessels, and by the South Carolina, have been vastly unfortunate.
My situation, Sir, has been very delicate; but as my whole life from my infancy has been pa.s.sed through an uninterrupted series of delicate situations, when I find myself suddenly translated into a new one, the view of it neither confounds nor dismays me. I am very sensible, however, that such a habit of mind borders very nearly upon presumption, and deserves very serious reflections. My health is still precarious. My person has been thought by some to have been in danger; but at present I apprehend nothing to myself or the public.
This nation will have peace with England, if they can obtain it upon honorable terms; but upon no other. They cannot obtain it upon any other, without giving offence to France, and England will not make peace upon such conditions. I shall, therefore, probably remain here in a very insipid and insignificant state a long time, without any affront or answer. In the parties, which divide the nation, I have never taken any share. I have treated all men of all parties whom I saw alike, and have been used quite as well by the Court party as their antagonists. Both parties have been in bodily fear of popular commotions, and the politics of both appear to me to be too much influenced by alternate fears, and I must add, hopes of popular commotions. Both parties agree in their determinations to obtain peace with England, if they can; but Great Britain will not cease to be the tyrant of the ocean until she ceases to be the tyrant of America. She will only give up her claims of empire over both together.
The Dutch have an undoubted right to judge for themselves, whether it is for their interest to connect themselves with us or not. At present I have no reason to be dissatisfied. I have, in pursuance of the advice of the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, added to that of several members of the States, demanded an answer. I was received politely by all parties, though you will hear great complaints from others that I am not received well. They have their views in this; they know that this is a good string for them to touch.
I stand now in an honorable light, openly and candidly demanding an answer in my public character. But it is the Republic that stands in a less respectable situation, not one member of the Sovereignty having yet ventured to give an answer in the negative. The dignity of the United States is, therefore, perfectly safe, and if that of this Republic is questionable, this is their own fault, not ours. Your advice, to be well with the government, and to take no measures which may bring upon me a public affront, is perfectly just. All appearance of intrigue, and all the refinements of politics, have been as distant from my conduct as you know them to be from my natural and habitual character.
Your advice to spend much of my time at the Hague, I shall in future pursue, though I have had reasons for a different conduct hitherto. As to connexions with the Ministers of other powers, it is a matter of great delicacy. There is no power but what is interested directly or indirectly in our affairs at present. Every Minister has at his own Court a compet.i.tor, who keeps correspondences and spies, to be informed of every step; and open visits to or from any American Minister are too dangerous for them to venture on. It must be managed with so much art, and be contrived in third places, and with so much unmeaning intrigue, that it should not be too much indulged, and after all, nothing can come of it. There is not a Minister of them all, that is intrusted with anything, but from time to time to execute positive instructions from his Court.
A loan of money has given me vast anxiety. I have tried every experiment and failed in all; and am fully of opinion, that we never shall obtain a credit here until we have a treaty. When this will be, I know not. If France has not other objects in view of more importance, in my opinion she may accomplish it in a short time.
Whether she has or not, time must discover.
Mr Barclay is here doing his utmost to despatch the public effects here; but these will turn out the dearest goods that Congress ever purchased if they ever arrive safe. It has been insinuated, I perceive, that I was privy to the purchase of a parcel of English manufactures among these goods. This is a mistake. It was carefully concealed from me, who certainly should not have countenanced it, if I had known it. Mr Barclay will exchange them all for the manufactures of Germany or Holland, or sell them here. The ordinance of Congress against British manufactures, is universally approved as far as I know, as a hostility against their enemies of more importance than the exertions of an army of twenty thousand men.
With great esteem, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Amsterdam, February 19th, 1782.
Sir,
On the 14th instant, I had the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your duplicate of the 23d of October. Today Major Porter brought me your favor of the 20th of November, and the original of that of the 23d of October.
I congratulate you, Sir, on the glorious news contained in these despatches; but I cannot be of your opinion, that, great as it is, it will defeat every hope that Britain entertains of conquering a country so defended. Vanity, Sir, is a pa.s.sion capable of inspiring illusions, which astonish all other men; and the Britons are, without exception, the vainest people upon earth. By examining such a witness as Arnold, the Ministry can draw from him evidence, which will fully satisfy the people of England, that the conquest of America is still practicable.
Sensible men see the error; but they have seen it these twenty years, and lamented it till their hearts are broken. The intention of government seems to be to break the spirit of the nation, and to bring affairs into so wretched a situation, that all men shall see that they cannot be made better by new Ministers, or by the punishment of the old ones.
It is suggested, that some plan of conciliation will be brought into Parliament; but it will be only as deceitful as all the former ones.
They begin to talk big, and threaten to send Arnold with seventeen thousand men to burn and destroy in the northern States; but this will prove but an annual vapor. I rejoice the more in Colonel Willet"s glorious services, for a personal knowledge and esteem I have for that officer. Zoutman"s battle on Doggerbank shows what the nation could do. But ... It is somewhat dangerous to write with perfect freedom concerning the views and principles of each party, as you desire.
Indeed, the views of all parties are enveloped in clouds and darkness.
There are unerring indications, that all parties agree secretly in this principle, that the Americans are right if they have power. There is here and there an individual who says the Americans are wrong; but these are very few. The English party are suspected to have it in view to engage the Republic to join the English in the war against France, Spain, and America.
The Prince is supposed to wish that this were practicable, but to despair of it. Some of the great proprietors of English stocks, several great mercantile houses in the service of the British Ministry, are thought to wish it too; but if they are guilty of wishes so injurious to their country and humanity, none of them dares openly avow them. The Stadtholder is of opinion, that his house has been supported by England; that his office was created, and is preserved by her. But I do not see why his office would not be as safe in an alliance with France as with England, unless he apprehends that the republican party would in that case change sides, connect itself with England, and by her means overthrow him. There are jealousies that the Stadtholder aspires to be a sovereign; but these are the ordinary jealousies of liberty, and I should think, in this case, groundless.
The opposite, which is called the republican party, is suspected of desires and designs of introducing innovations. Some are supposed to aim at the demolition of the Stadtholdership; others, of introducing the people to the right of choosing the Regencies; but I think these are very few in number, and very inconsiderable in power, though some of them may have wit and genius.
There is another party, at the head of which is Amsterdam, who think the Stadtholdership necessary, but wish to have some further restraints or check upon it. Hence the proposition for a committee to a.s.sist his Highness. But there is no appearance that the project will succeed. All the divisions of the Republican party are thought to think well of America, and to wish a connexion with her and France.
The opposite party do not openly declare themselves against this; but peace is the only thing in which all sides agree. No party dares say anything against peace; yet there are individuals very respectable, who think that it is not for the public interest to make peace.
As to Congress" adapting measures to the views and interest of both parties, they have already done it in the most admirable manner. They could not have done better if they had been all present here, and I know of nothing to be added. They have a Plenipotentiary here, with instructions; they have given power to invite the Republic to accede to the alliance between France and America, with a power to admit Spain. All this is communicated to the Count de Vergennes and the Duc de la Vauguyon, and I wait only their advice for the time of making the proposition. I have endeavored to have the good graces of the leaders, and I have no reason to suspect that I do not enjoy their esteem, and I have received from the Prince repeatedly, and in strong terms by his Secretary the Baron de Larray, a.s.surances of his personal esteem.
I wrote, Sir, on the 3d and 7th of May, as full an account of my presenting my credentials, as it was proper to write, and am astonished that neither duplicates nor triplicates have arrived. I will venture a secret. I had the secret advice of our best friends in the Republic to take the step I did, though the French Amba.s.sador thought the time a little too early. My situation would have been ridiculous and deplorable indeed, if I had not done it, and the success of the measure, as far as universal applause could be called success, has justified it. Those who detested the measure, Sir, were obliged to applaud it in words. I am surprised, to see you think it places us in a humiliating light. I am sure it raised me out of a very humiliating position, such as I never felt before, and shall never feel again, I believe. I have lately by the express advice of all our best friends, added to that of the Duc de la Vauguyon and the Count de Vergennes, demanded a categorical answer. I knew very well I should not have it; but it has placed the United States and their Minister in a glorious light, demanding candidly an answer, and the Republic has not yet equal dignity to give it.
In this manner we may remain with perfect safety to the dignity of the United States, and the reputation of her Minister, until their High Mightinesses shall think fit to answer, or until we shall think it necessary to repeat the demand, or make a new one, which I shall not do without the advice of the French Amba.s.sador, with whom I shall consult with perfect confidence.
My motives for printing the Memorial were, that I had no other way to communicate my proposition to the Sovereign of the country. The gentlemen at the Hague, who are called their High Mightinesses, are not the Sovereign, they are only Deputies of the States-General, who compose the Sovereignty. These joint Deputies form only a diplomatic body, not a legislative nor an executive one. The States-General are the Regencies of cities and bodies of n.o.bles. The Regencies of cities are the Burgomasters and Schepins, or Judges and Counsellors, composing in the whole a number of four or five thousand men, scattered all over the Republic. I had no way to come at them but by the press, because the President refused to receive my memorial. If he had received it, it would have been transmitted of course to all the Regencies; but in that case it would have been printed; for there is no memorial of a public Minister in this Republic, but what is printed.
When the President said, "Sir, we have no authority to receive your memorial until your t.i.tle and character are acknowledged by our const.i.tuents and sovereigns; we are not the sovereign;" I answered, "In that case, Sir, it will be my duty to make the memorial public in print, because I have no other possible way of addressing myself to the sovereign, your const.i.tuents."
The President made no objection, and there has been no objection to this day. Those who dreaded the consequence to the cause of Anglomany, have never ventured to hint a word against it. The Anglomanes would have had a triumph if it had not been printed, and I should before this day have met with many disagreeable scenes, if not public affronts. This openness has protected me. To conciliate the affections of the people, to place our cause in an advantageous light, to remove the prejudices that Great Britain and her votaries excite, to discover the views of the different parties, to watch the motives that lead to peace between England and Holland, have been my constant aim since I have resided here. The secret aid of government in obtaining a loan, I have endeavored to procure, but it can never be obtained until there is a treaty. I have hitherto kept a friendly connexion with the French Amba.s.sador, and that without interruption. The new commission for peace, and the revocation of that for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain I have received.
My language and conduct are those of a private gentleman; but those members of Congress who think this proper, know that I have held public places in Europe, too public and conspicuous for me to be able to remain incognito in this country, nor is it for the interest of the public that I should attempt it.
I should be extremely obliged to you, Sir, if you would let me know the dates of all the letters that have been received from me, since I have been in Holland, that I may send further copies of such as have miscarried. The States of Holland have accepted the mediation of Russia, on condition of saving the rights of the armed neutrality.
There has been a balancing between a treaty with France, and the acceptance of this mediation. Amsterdam said nothing. The mediation was accepted; but several provinces have declared for a treaty with France. People of the best intentions are jealous of a peace with England upon dishonorable terms; but France will prevent this, though she does not choose to prevent the acceptance of the mediation, as she might have done by consenting to my making the proposition of a triple or quadruple alliance. Her Amba.s.sador says, the King must not oppose the Empress of Russia, who will be of importance in the final settlement of peace.
France has never discovered much inclination to a treaty with the Republic. The demolition of the barrier towns may explain this, as well as the Amba.s.sador"s opinion against presenting my memorial at the time it was done. I believe that France too can explain the reason of the delay of Spain, where we make a less respectable appearance than in this Republic. The delay of Spain is fatal to our affairs. Yet I know the American Minister there to be equal to any service, which makes me regret the more the delay of that kingdom. The constant cry is, why is Spain silent? We must wait for Spain. Nothing gives greater advantage to the English party.
The nature of the government in an absolute monarchy, would render it improper to make any application or memorial public. The nature of this government rendered it indispensably necessary. The business must begin in the public, that is in all the Regencies. De Witt and Temple it is true, made a treaty in five days; but De Witt risked his head by it, upon the pardon and confirmation of the Regencies. But it was a time and a measure, which he knew to be universally wished for. The case at present is different. M. Van Bleiswick, though he told me he thought favorably of my first application, would not have dared to take a single step without the previous orders of his masters, as he told me.
It is the United States of America, which must save this Republic from ruin. It is the only power that is externally respected by all parties, although no party dares as yet declare openly for it. One half the Republic nearly declares every day very indecently against France, the other against England; but neither one nor the other declares against America, which is more beloved and esteemed than any other nation of the world.
We must wait, however, with patience. After oscillating a little longer, and grasping at peace, finding it unattainable, I think they will seek an alliance with America, if not with France. I had a week ago a visit from one of the first personages in Friesland, who promised me that in three weeks I should have an answer from that Province.