It remains for me to inform you, Sir, that the King has not been able to make this last effort, without great difficulties. I have had the honor of communicating to you those, which prevent the success of loans of any considerable magnitude; they are so great, that I am ordered to announce to you, in the most positive manner, that it will be impossible for the King, under any supposition whatever, to procure new advances of money for Congress, for the next year. With regard to the resources, which you may seek in other places besides France, the letters, which I have had the honor of reading to you, do not allow any success to be looked for, until the United States shall have established a permanent public revenue; and the delay and repugnance, with which they proceed in doing this, being known in Europe, the inclination for lending money to Congress, which may have existed, has disappeared; the lenders make other investments; the speculations, which might have been directed towards the United States, go farther and farther from them, and it will certainly be difficult to bring them back.

I refrain from repeating here the other parts of the despatches of the Count de Vergennes, which I have had the honor of communicating to you, because the truths contained in them are well known to you, Sir, and because they all may be reduced to this. _Without the speedy establishment of a substantial public revenue, and without the vigorous execution of the engagements entered into by Congress, the hope of obtaining loans in Europe must be given up._

I am also ordered, Sir, to represent to Congress, that my Court relied upon final and satisfactory measures being taken to secure the payment of the interest, and of the debt contracted by the United Slates toward his Majesty. But I content myself with mentioning this circ.u.mstance to you, and before directly announcing it to Congress, I shall wait till their present embarra.s.sments are diminished.

You will judge, Sir, by these details, how impossible it is to draw bills upon your Plenipotentiaries, beyond that part of the six millions" loan of this year, which is unappropriated. It is clearly shown, that these bills will not be paid by us, and it is with a full confidence in your regularity in this respect, that I shall inform the Count de Vergennes, that he may be a.s.sured, that no demand will be made for any sums whatever, beyond that sum, which has just been determined upon.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 15th, 1783.

Sir,

Your Excellency will doubtless receive directly, a state of affairs in Europe. I thought, however, that it would be interesting to inform you of some particulars, which I am ordered not to make public, but which will also be communicated to Congress. The British Minister has hastened to conclude an eventual treaty of peace with the United States, and to grant them in the utmost extent every advantage they could desire. The malevolence with which that power has carried on the war in America, did not forebode this extreme facility in them, and it has been an agreeable surprise to the belligerent powers, and you will easily judge, Sir, that our satisfaction has been complete, and in seeing the great obstacle to peace put, as it were, on one side.

We think we may hope, that the epochs of a general peace is not far distant. However, the English, though disposed to come to a conclusion with the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, seem much more difficult in the negotiation carrying on with the States-General. But the King, who through the whole of this war, has refused to conclude a peace without obtaining for his allies a just and reasonable satisfaction, persists in these sentiments, and he doubts not that the United States will on their part fulfil their engagements by continuing the war till a definitive treaty is concluded, and thereby entirely disconcert the projects of the English, who flatter themselves, that by means of the eventual treaty, which they have concluded, they will be able to establish on the Continent a suspension of hostilities equal to a truce, written and signed.

It is possible, that the firmness and resolution of his Majesty will determine England to make those rest.i.tutions, to which she shows so much repugnance; but it is also possible, that the war will continue another year, and to put the United States in a situation to continue the war with vigor, his Majesty has lent them six millions of livres; six hundred thousand livres are arrived in the Washington, but I have learnt with much pain that Mr Morris has, through want of means, been forced to antic.i.p.ate the pecuniary succors he hoped to receive, so that the six millions is not so considerable a help as was to have been desired.

It remains to examine in what manner we can disturb and shut up the enemy during the next campaign. I shall not take the liberty to sound your Excellency on these points, but I beg you to permit me to say, that it will be serving the common cause essentially to stop those excessive exportations of subsistence to New York, and in case of an evacuation of that place, to prevent them as much as possible from procuring subsistence from hence to carry on the campaign in the West Indies.

The Duc de Lauzun will confer with you on these points on his return from the eastward, and I beg you, Sir, to consider with him how to make the legion early useful; it may be very usefully employed in the service above mentioned, and the Duke will be happy to act in any manner your Excellency may wish.

In all cases, it cannot but be of service to hold ourselves in a hostile position. If the negotiations produce the happy effects we wish, I will lose no time in informing you, and knowing your humane disposition, I think I never shall announce to you a more agreeable event than a general peace, honorable and safe to the allies. You are convinced how sincerely the King wishes it, and the sacrifices he has made to obtain it will prove this.

If the treaty has been communicated to you, Sir, you will have seen that the King of England has reserved to himself the liberty to conclude, or not to conclude, the treaty of peace with America, so that the act signed the 30th of November by the respective Commissioners, is merely conditional and eventual.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 18th, 1783.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you a copy of a letter, which I have written to Mr Robert Morris. I shall soon have the honor of communicating to you some news, which I have just received from France by the packet boat Washington.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, March 19th, 1783.

Sir,

I am exceedingly obliged to your Excellency for your communication of the 15th. The Articles of the treaty between America and Great Britain, as they stand in connexion with a general pacification, are so very inconclusive, that I am fully in sentiment with your Excellency, that we should hold ourselves in a hostile position, prepared for either alternative, peace or war.

I shall confer with the Duc de la Lauzun on the objects you are pleased to mention; and as I have ever viewed the practice of the States in supplying the enemy in New York with the means of subsistence, as a very pernicious one in its tendency, both to ourselves and to our allies, you may depend upon me to exert every measure in my power to prevent it.

I am at all times happy in receiving any intelligence from your Excellency, and should it be in your power to announce a general peace, you cannot make a more pleasing communication to me.

Persuaded of the pure and benevolent intentions, which animate the breast of his Most Christian Majesty, I am a.s.sured, if that happy event should not result from the present negotiations, that the failure will not rest on his part.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MINUTES OF A VERBAL COMMUNICATION FROM THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

Office of Foreign Affairs, March 22d, 1783.

The Minister of France, waiting upon Mr Livingston at 12 o"clock agreeable to appointment, communicated to him a letter from the Count de Vergennes, dated the 19th of November.

This was wholly confined to matters of finance, and contained in substance nothing more than Congress have already seen in the letter, written by the Minister of France to Mr Morris. He then read to Mr Livingston a letter of the 22d of November, which related to the satisfaction the King, his master, had received in the testimony the United States had given of their friendship, in presenting to him the ship America. The substance of this letter has been inserted in the note sent to Congress the 28th instant.

The Minister also read to Mr Livingston, a letter of the 19th of December, from the Count de Vergennes, in which he informs him, that their treaty was not so forward as that of the Americans. Though if his Majesty had wished it, he could have signed before the American Plenipotentiaries, as no essential difference existed between France and Great Britain. But that the King"s delicacy induced him to wish, that all his allies should be first satisfied, and he had accordingly resolved to continue the war, whatever advantages might be offered him, if Great Britain should bear hard upon any of them. That it still remained to reconcile the interest of Spain, and those of Holland.

That he had reason to believe with relation to the first, that they would soon be fully settled. That the foundation was already laid, and that nothing now remained but to settle forms. That he was of opinion, that it was for the interest of the United States to facilitate a connexion with this power, which will be their neighbor.

That it would become the wisdom of Congress to discover moderation with respect to them. That he is persuaded England will see with pleasure, divisions introduced between the United States and the Court of Madrid, and that it is probable, that they will even endeavor to animate them one against the other. That British emissaries have been employed to inspire Spain with apprehensions as to the ambitious views of America. But they will now avail themselves of this intimacy with the American Ministers, to render them suspicious of Spain, and even to excite their resentments against her. Congress will defeat this design by removing the difficulties, which now oppose themselves to a union with his Catholic Majesty. That the King wishes so much to see his allies enjoy a solid and durable peace, that in exciting the Americans on one side to discover a more conciliatory spirit, he will spare nothing on the other to remove the difficulties, which may be raised by the Court of Spain. That he apprehends delays and embarra.s.sments from Holland. That the British Administration appear very unfavorable to them.

The Minister of France then read to Mr Livingston another letter from the Count de Vergennes, of the 20th of December, 1782, which contained in substance; that peace was not yet concluded; that it was anxiously desired by the King. That his Majesty"s obligations to his allies had not yet permitted him to p.r.o.nounce with certainty as to the termination of the war. That expecting peace, prudence required, that the allies should act as if the war was to continue. That Congress will judge of the manner in which they can most effectually contribute to distress the common enemy. That in the present state of things it would not be prudent to invite the Americans to form any direct enterprise against the common enemy. That the Provisional Articles would, when executed, at the general peace, put New York into the hands of the Americans, and that Congress could judge better than they could what part it would be expedient for them to take in the then state of things. That proposing nothing they leave everything to their discretion. That the Minister should however inform them, that he could not yet determine whether they were at the eve of the war or if another campaign must be opened. That in the latter case there were two essential objects, on which the Minister of France should impart to Congress the opinion of his Court, and the desires of his Majesty.

That though if their towns were evacuated the Americans could not take an active part, yet they can compel the enemy to wish for peace, by excluding them from all connexion with them and prohibiting under very severe penalties, the consumption or importation of British manufactures. That a considerable party among the British wish to form commercial connexion with the United States. That when they shall be convinced, that they can reap no benefit therefrom, but by a solid definitive peace, conformable to the treaty already agreed upon, they will become more tractable, and conclude the definitive treaty, which will give force and vigor to the provisional articles, and set the seal to the independence of America. That it would also be proper to state to Congress the necessity of providing means to prevent the sending provisions into New York, by which the British armaments are amply supplied with fresh provisions of every kind.

That the King persuades himself, that the Legislatures of the respective States will concur in measures for this salutary purpose, when they shall be informed of the injury occasioned to their ally by the want of the necessary precautions on this subject. That these precautions will not be unnecessary if the enemy are about to abandon New York, without which the enemy will carry with them the means of supplying the places to which they transport their troops.

That he persuades himself, that Congress will perceive, that they are indebted to the harmony, that has subsisted between the King and them for the present happy state of their affairs. But that nothing being yet concluded, the present moment is precisely that in which it is of most importance to preserve the same system.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

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