Sir,
Applications being frequently made by the several Loan Offices, for orders to renew sets of exchange, in consequence of proof made to them by the proprietors of interest bills, that the first, second, third, and fourth bills, have been lost and destroyed, or by accident prevented from reaching the persons to whom they were remitted, and as it is but just in such instances to renew the same, I have caused a number of bills to be struck, of the same denominations, and in the same style, manner, and tenor, except that they are fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth bills, and when made use of will be filled up in the same manner as the first four were, and issued from the same office. I give you this notice, that you may direct the banker to pay due honor to any one of those bills in all instances, where no one of the set, consisting of eight, has before been paid; and of course he will before such payment always satisfy himself, that none of the others have been honored. This general advice will I think answer the purpose, and render unnecessary particular advice with each renewed set of exchange.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS[4]
[4] _March 27th._ Having determined to draw bills on Mr Grand at Paris, for five hundred thousand livres, under such limitations and conditions as must secure the payment, the Minister of France being absent, I consulted M. de Marbois, _Charge d"Affaires_, read to him my letter to Dr Franklin, explained my plan, and finally had his approbation, so far as he is authorised. This gentleman also communicated to me the Minister"s letters to the Court, so far as they related to our finances, and I found them to breathe the true spirit of attachment and friendship to America.
_Diary._
TO OLIVER PHELPS.
Office of Finance, March 30th, 1782.
Sir,
As I promised during the conference, with which you honored me yesterday, to give an answer in writing to the proposition you made in consequence of a resolution pa.s.sed by the Legislature of Ma.s.sachusetts, on the 5th day of this month, I shall now perform that promise, but in doing it I shall think it unnecessary to go into that full detail of reasoning on the subject, which took place in conversation between us; and I am the more readily induced to decline this, because you, Sir, seemed satisfied of the force and propriety of the reasons urged; wherefore when you come to make the communication to the State, your candor will induce, and your abilities enable you, to do me ample justice.
I will, therefore, content myself with observing, that in all countries engaged in war, experience has sooner or later pointed out contracts with private men of substance and talents equal to the undertaking as the cheapest, most certain, and consequently the best mode of obtaining those articles, which are necessary for the subsistence, covering, clothing, and moving of an army. The experience of other countries could not satisfy America. We must have it of our own acquiring; we have at length bought it; but the purchase had nearly been our ruin. I had been long since convinced, that nothing could save us, but opening all the American ports to unrestrained commerce, all the markets of America to the free sale and purchase of every article of its production and import; and by taking away all restraints on money, leave every individual to judge and act for himself. I labored hard in consequence of this conviction, to introduce such measures into the State, of which I am a member, and finally was happy enough to succeed; the good consequences were immediately seen and felt; the example, has been followed, and it is to be attributed to the freedom, which we now enjoy, that persons can be found willing to contract for furnishing supplies to the American army.
I have succeeded in obtaining many contracts on very reasonable terms.
The saving to the United States thereby is immense, and I am confident, that neither the patriot who fills the chair of government, the honorable gentlemen who compose the council, nor those who represent the country of Ma.s.sachusetts, would wish me to make an engagement, which in partiality to that State, would in its effects destroy a system, that has been proved so truly economical. I cannot, Sir, enter into the engagements proposed by Ma.s.sachusetts, without being exposed to similar claims in twelve others, and I feel the absolute necessity and propriety of declining every application of the kind. The persons who contract with me to supply the armies of the United States, must make purchases of the articles necessary; their interests will lead them to those markets, which will supply cheapest, however remote from the scene of action, and this will give all the States a fair chance of obtaining money, or bank notes, through that channel to pay their taxes. Those who will give most labor or goods for money and notes, will undoubtedly obtain the greatest share thereof.
I cannot quit this subject, without observing, that taxing in specifics is expensive to the people, c.u.mbersome to the government, and generally inadequate to the object. I think if every individual in the country is left to dispose as he pleases of his property, and compelled to pay his taxes in money or bank notes, he will satisfy the tax by the sale of much less of that property, than in the case of a specific tax taken from him to raise the sum. Nothing could gratify me more than to have an opportunity of evincing to the State of Ma.s.sachusetts how much I am disposed to comply with her wishes in every instance, that my general duty to the United States will permit.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
CIRCULAR TO THE GOVERNORS OF THE STATES.
Office of Finance, April 15th, 1782.
Sir,
In a circular letter, which I had the honor to address to your Excellency, on the 9th day of last month, you were informed, that the United States in Congress had on the 20th and 27th of February, pa.s.sed Acts for settling and finally adjusting all the public accounts; and that those Acts would have been transmitted immediately, but that I was induced to wait the event of some additional propositions upon that subject, which were then before Congress.
As I now discover that those propositions meet with much greater delay, than at that time was expected, and as it is still uncertain when they may be decided upon, I think it improper to detain longer the Acts that were pa.s.sed, although several considerations induced a desire to have the whole system communicated to the several a.s.semblies at one and the same time.
You will observe, Sir, that it is earnestly recommended to the several Legislatures, duly to empower and authorise the United States, in Congress a.s.sembled, to make a final settlement of the proportions to be borne by each respective State, of the general expenses of the war, from the commencement thereof, until the 1st day of January, 1782. An immediate compliance with this recommendation is of infinite importance to the Union, as it is also to each of the States. No determination of quotas, which Congress can at this time possibly make, will create a difference for or against any State equal to the expense, which will arise either by disputing its quota, or by delaying to have it fixed. If Congress are now empowered, they must be determined by general principles, and if the decision is delayed ever so long, general principles must at last be resorted to, and that after large sums shall have been expended by each of the Governments, in attempting to ascertain their respective numbers of inhabitants, value of property, quant.i.ty of lands, annual income, &c. The returns on these points severally, cannot be made with certainty and exact.i.tude _as to the time past_, and therefore they will only afford more ample field for disputation; disputes, which if the cause be not removed by a compliance with the present requisition, may probably deprive us of the blessings of peace after the war with Great Britain shall cease.
I do not think it necessary to detail the reasons, which induced Congress to adopt this measure, but I cannot help observing, that it is to the want of a decision on this point, that the languor and want of exertion of the several States are to be attributed. That fatal a.s.sertion that each has done most, which each has made and repeated, until it has gained but too much credit, would never have obtained a place in the minds of men, who really love their country and cause, had the requisitions of Congress been made annually for money, and the quotas fixed finally at the date of the demand. The compliances of each would in that case have determined their respective merits or demerits; we should then have seen a compet.i.tion the very reverse of that which has for some time past prevailed; and it is not yet too late. Let us settle the accounts of the past expenditures, adjust the shares which each State has to pay, but let the settlement be final, or we do nothing. And if on the requisition of men and money for this, and for future years, the quotas be finally fixed, and the compliances be made publicly known, we shall banish that distrust, which I am sorry to say now exists between the States, and in place thereof excite the n.o.ble ardor, which animated our conduct in the commencement of the contest. The strife will then be which shall be foremost in contributing their share to the support of that war, on the success of which depends the political existence of all.
A desire to name commissioners of approved abilities and character, has induced me to delay such nominations, until I can obtain information of suitable persons from each State. I shall very soon proceed in this business, in such manner as to me shall seem most likely to obtain honest, impartial, and equitable settlements of the public accounts.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO NATHANIEL APPLETON.
Office of Finance, April 16th, 1782.
Sir,
I am indebted for your letters of the 14th and 28th of last month.
Having personally a great regard for your Governor, it gives me pain to disapprove of any of his measures, and probably he never could have given cause for blame by any delay of the impost law, had he considered how many widows and orphans, as well as other deserving persons, friends to their country and its cause, are deprived of the means of comfortable subsistence, by being kept out of that interest, which is so justly their due, and which the revenue to be raised in consequence of that law was intended to discharge.
I know he has a benevolent heart; I know that he is generous; and principles of justice will always have their proper influence over him. I beg you will remind him, that his generosity, humanity, and justice, are all concerned in promoting the establishment of permanent revenues, sufficient to discharge the interest of our public debt.
Nay, more, the political existence of America depends on the accomplishment of this plan. We cannot be called a nation, nor do we deserve to be ranked amongst the nations of the earth, until we do justice to those, who have served and trusted us. A public debt, supported by public revenue, will prove the strongest cement to keep our confederacy together. Sound policy would also dictate, that we should do justice to those who have trusted us, in order that we may have pretensions to credit in future. We might then tax the present race of citizens six pounds, instead of a hundred, and leave posterity to pay the princ.i.p.al of a debt contracted in consequence of our distresses and necessities, but from which they will derive ease and emolument. I could say a great deal more on this subject, and probably shall to the world at large, if the just measures of Congress continue to meet with such ill judged opposition.
I am, Dear Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Office of Finance, April 17th, 1782.
Sir,
In consequence of the communications made to me by his Excellency, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, since his return from Virginia, I shall proceed to draw bills upon Mr Grand to the extent of five hundred thousand livres monthly; so that computing the months of January, February, March, and April, I have now to draw for two millions of livres; as I hope and expect that the five hundred thousand livres, already drawn, may be provided for out of the balance due on the Dutch loan. This supply comes most seasonably, and at a more leisure moment you will be charged with the proper acknowledgements to the Court. I must however repeat, that the sum requested for the service of this year will be necessary to enable me to support the campaign, and perfect my arrangements; it will be my constant study to draw forth our own resources and lessen our demands on France; but these things require time.
I find it will be advantageous to draw upon Holland and Cadiz as well as on Paris; and, therefore, I request that you will desire Mr Grand to give immediate orders to Messrs Fizeau, Grand & Co. in Amsterdam, to honor any bills I may draw on them, with directions to take their reimburs.e.m.e.nt on him, for account of the United States. He must also give similar orders to Messrs Harrison & Co. of Cadiz, and I will furnish Mr Grand with regular advice of every bill I draw, whether on himself or either of those houses. My bills in the whole will not exceed the sums to which I am limited, and the commission those houses charge will be paid by Mr Grand. I expect it will not exceed a half per cent; respecting which I shall write to them. I am induced to draw on those places, because the sale bills will thereby be extended, and the price better supported.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO JOHN JAY.
Office of Finance, April 23d, 1782.
Dear Sir,
You have enclosed herewith, the copy of an official letter to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, which contains some information on subjects that you ought to know. It has been my intention for some time past to give you a detail of circ.u.mstances, which have happened since the date of my former despatches; but the occurrences of every day employ my whole time, and engross my whole attention, especially for the last six weeks, as I have been deprived of a.s.sistance. The first leisure moments shall be devoted to make you acquainted with the situation of things here, and in the meantime you may indulge the pleasing idea, that system and regularity are dispelling the clouds in which our affairs have been enveloped.
I am, very sincerely, &c.