I am, Gentlemen, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, January 13th, 1784.
Sir,
The Secretary of Congress has transmitted to me the pet.i.tion of John Cowper, with an order to report thereon. I must, on this occasion, pray leave to observe, that this, with a variety of other similar transactions, depends on the adjustment of the accounts of the Secret and Commercial Committees of Congress. In a letter of the 12th of August last, I had the honor to observe, that those accounts "were far from being inconsiderable, either as to their nature or magnitude; that they were involved with others, and had extended themselves to different parts of the United States, and to Europe, and the West Indies; that they were more connected with the Marine Accounts than with any others; and that the settlement of them was highly necessary." I took the liberty, also, then, to suggest the propriety of submitting the investigation of those accounts to the commissioner for settling the Marine Accounts, or of appointing a special commissioner for that express purpose.
Since writing that letter, the Commissioner on the Marine Accounts, having been obliged in the course of his business, to look at the Commercial and Secret Committee Accounts, has not only discovered some balances due to the United States, but has reported other matters, which show in a strange point of light, the necessity of examining and settling those accounts. I think they could be more easily, speedily, and effectually settled by that gentleman, than by any other, and therefore the submitting of them to him, might be eligible in an economical point of view.
I come now, Sir, to observe, which I am sorry to do, that my report on Mr Cowper"s case must necessarily be suspended, until after a reference to the commissioner appointed to adjust the accounts of the Secret and Commercial Committees, I shall be possessed of such a state of facts, as will enable me to report with propriety.
Before I close this letter, I must also observe, that as the accounts in question originated with, and were under the superintendence of members of Congress, it is a kind of duty, which Congress in their political capacity owe to themselves, to trace the applications of money through those channels with the same attention, which has very properly been applied to other public expenditures.
With perfect respect and esteem, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO.
Office of Finance, January 13th, 1784.
Gentlemen,
I some time since drew a bill for two hundred and fifty thousand livres, on Messrs Wilhelm and Jan Willink Nicolas, and Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and Finje, merchants at Amsterdam, in favor of Mr John Ross. This bill was drawn on the credit of the loan opened under the direction of those gentlemen, and in consequence of flattering accounts of its success, which I had just then received. I find that Mr Ross has remitted this bill to you, and is actually drawing on the credit of it. Some late advices from Amsterdam give me reason to apprehend the possibility of a nonpayment of this bill, and therefore I am now about to make to you the request of a favor on the part of the United States. It is, Gentlemen, that you would place this sum to the credit of Mr Ross at the day when the bill falls due, whether it be paid or not, and whether in the whole or only in part, taking the bill up for the honor of the United States. You will then immediately give me notice of the sum, which, by this means, your credit is advanced for, and I will take care to make you remittances for amount of the princ.i.p.al and interest of that sum, nor will I quit my office until you are fully repaid. At the same time you will probably also find some relief from the further produce of the loan; as the causes which impeded its progress during the months of August and September, have long since been removed. And indeed I still expect, that the success of it will enable the punctual payment of Mr Ross"s bill, and only write this letter out of prudence and for the greater caution.
You will observe, Gentlemen, that I have two objects in making this request, one is to save the credit of the public, which might materially suffer by the coming back of this bill, and the other is to prevent the payment of twenty per cent damages, which would be the eventual consequence, over and above the private injury, which Mr Ross would sustain in his personal credit. If, Gentlemen, you have a sufficient confidence in me and in my country, you will comply with this request, provided your own convenience will in anywise permit. If you have not that confidence, I must lament it as a misfortune.
I am, Gentlemen, yours, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, January 16th, 1784.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to transmit to your Excellency the copy of a letter from David Sproat; I should not trouble Congress with it if the supplies mentioned had been advanced to persons taken in the service of the United States. As it is I should suppose an express appropriation of money to this purpose to be necessary; Congress can best judge whether that be proper, but if I were to express an opinion, it would be, that the payment of such debts is the most effectual mode of providing for those disastrous accidents, which the citizens of America are liable to in common with the rest of mankind.
I am, Sir, respectfully, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, January 21st, 1784.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to enclose the extract of a letter of the 10th instant, from the Quarter Master General. The latter part of it, referring to a matter which he has long since brought before Congress, I shall not take the liberty of meddling with.
In the former part, he alludes to a letter of the 27th of October last, in which he had stated to me the claims of individuals for damages done by the army. Instances are mentioned peculiarly distressing, and of a nature to require compa.s.sion while justice demands for them somewhat more. I did not on the receipt of this letter address Congress on the subject of it, because the making any particular provision for the cases of individuals, is laboring to very little purpose, and by stilling the cries of one only raises the clamors of hundreds. This indeed was the remote cause of the Quarter Master"s letter, for the resolution pa.s.sed in the case of Stephen Moore, had given activity to the complaints of all those who knew of that resolution, and labored under similar grievances. But a stronger reason for not troubling Congress on the subject, was that I had already brought it before them in a letter of the 12th of August last. The following is an extract from that letter.
"There is, however, among the commissioner"s questions to me, one which Congress alone can answer in the affirmative; viz. _are charges for buildings, fences, wood, &c. damaged or destroyed by Continental troops or militia, to be allowed?_ Considering the extent and magnitude of this object on the one hand, and on the other, what serious injuries have been sustained by some individuals, the question is equally intricate and important. No answer has yet been given, although not unfrequently agitated, as the journals will testify. Whether Congress will leave it on the present footing, or order such damages to be allowed, or (making a distinction between wanton devastations and necessary impressure) leave the officer to account in one case and the public in another, or finally whether they will take a course between all these and order the accounts to be liquidated and reported, but the balances not to be finally allowed and certificates given, until their further order, are questions which it is in their wisdom to determine by that extensive view of things which they possess."
I shall take the liberty to observe to your Excellency, that claims of this kind become daily more urgent. The people recovering by degrees from their despondency as to the settlement of their old accounts and beginning to feel some hope of eventual payment, and of consequence a firmer reliance on and belief in the justice of the United States, naturally look forward from the measures already taken to those which prudence and equity may still further dictate. Some provision ought certainly to be made; but I must repeat that the object is not only great as to the pecuniary amount; but extensive as to place, persons, claims and circ.u.mstances. The caution hitherto preserved was therefore wise, but it can no longer be adhered to, because the idea held up to every applicant, was that after a termination of the war, and not before, provision should be made.
I take leave also, further to observe to your Excellency, that there is a material distinction to be made, even among such of these claims as are otherwise similar, according to the times in which the respective causes of them may have originated, as whether they were previous or subsequent to the commencement of the year 1782; claims for supplies obtained during the latter period, ought certainly to be considered as within the appropriations of money demanded for the current service, the quotas of which yet remain unsatisfied. In order then that this matter may come before the United States in Congress in such regular form, as that some decision may be made, I shall submit to their wise consideration the following Act.
Whereas, the late wasteful and expensive war, is now by the blessing of divine Providence finally terminated, and whereas, divers citizens of these States have during the course thereof sustained various injuries and damages, as well by the armies of the United States as otherwise, by the operations and effects of the war. And whereas, no provision can as yet be made for the just relief of the sufferers, neither can it be determined to whom such relief may be due. And whereas, it is the indispensable duty of every Government, in all things to the utmost of their power, to do what to right and justice may appertain. Be it therefore ordained by the United States in Congress a.s.sembled, and it is hereby ordained by authority of the same, that each and every of the commissioners who are or may be appointed in pursuance of the resolutions of Congress of the 20th day of February last, be and they hereby are authorised and directed to receive within the States, to and for which they are or may be appointed respectively, all claims and demands made by individuals for damages done to or sustained by them within such State, during the late hostilities and by reason thereof; whether the same have been committed and done by officers or soldiers, acting under the authority of Congress, or by the enemy. And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, that the said commissioners do require and receive such evidence with respect to each and every such claim as they shall judge fitting and proper according to the nature and circ.u.mstances of the case respectively, and where due evidence is produced in support of such claims, that they do liquidate and adjust the same according to equity and good conscience. Provided always, that the said commissioners shall not give to the claimants any certificates or other evidence of such adjustment. And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, that the said commissioners respectively do from time to time make return to the Superintendent of our finances, of the amount of each and every such claim, and the time when the same arose, whether previous to the 1st day of January, 1782, or subsequent to the last day of December, 1781; specifying clearly in the said return the nature of every claim in such full and ample manner, as that when the same shall be laid before the United States in Congress, for their investigation, they may be thereby enabled to make such further order in the premises as to right and justice may appertain.
Before I close this letter, I will trouble your Excellency one moment longer to a.s.sign my reasons for extending this provision to the case of damage done by the enemy. The investigation does by no means imply any recompense from the United States. But if there should be cases where such recompense is proper, the materials on which to judge will by this means be prepared. The object however is to ascertain the damages done by the enemy, which will in this way come forward, so as that an account thereof can be made out with exactness to answer any purposes, which future negotiations with Great Britain may render necessary. To this I would add, that the expense of the business will be so trivial as not to be worthy of consideration, when compared with the advantages to result from it.
I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, January 24th, 1784.
Sir,
The re-establishment of peace having at length given room for the proper investigations, it becomes in me a duty of public justice to mention to Congress the situation of those persons in Canada, or out of it, who are creditors to the United States for property furnished or services rendered in that country. To these may perhaps be added those who have claims for damages sustained.
Persuaded, as I am, that unless some general arrangements be taken on this subject, it will occasion a great expense of time and money, together with the loss of reputation, I think economy as well as justice calls for a due attention to the subject in the present moment.
I submit then the following ideas, not as being a perfect plan, but merely as hints to be perfected by the wise care of the United States. And first, it might be proper, that a commissioner were appointed _to go into Canada_ for the purpose of examining into the several claims above mentioned, with power to liquidate the same, and to give certificates of the amount. If it be a desirable thing that justice be done, it is a necessary thing that the inquiries be made on the spot. There and there alone, can the due investigations take place, so as to prevent either the public or individuals from being defrauded. Besides it will not cost more to maintain a commissioner there than it will here, and many who have been both distressed and oppressed are confined to that spot by their circ.u.mstances. It may also appear to be of some importance, that by doing justice to these people unsolicited we secure their affections; which will prevent Great Britain from using them hereafter against us. Neither will it escape the attention of Congress, that such a commissioner may transmit useful intelligence.
But this being rather in the Department of Foreign Affairs, I shall not enlarge on it.
A natural question will probably arise, as to the means of payment. This may be answered by applying a like question to the case of other public debts. But I conceived that another, if not a better answer may be given. If a new State were set off about Detroit, and the lands sold to all inclining to purchase, with permission to pay in certified Canadian debts, not only as specie, but even at a premium of five per cent, the lands would pay the debts, and the United States would gain more than the amount of the payment by the very act of making it. For an equal if not greater number of persons than the creditors in Canada, would become settlers from that country, and bring with them property beyond their purchase money. Nor is that all; such State would became a barrier of infinite importance. It would secure eternal peace with the Indians, and it would secure the Indian trade. For it would soon place the princ.i.p.al traders at that spot in the character of American citizens.
With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.