TO DAVID HARTLEY.
Pa.s.sy, April 5th, 1782.
My Dear Friend,
I wrote a few lines to you the 31st past, and promised to write more fully. On perusing again your letters of the 11th, 12th, and 21st, I do not find any notice taken of one from me, dated February the 16th.
I therefore now send you a copy made from it in the press. The uncertainty of free transmission discourages a free communication of sentiments on these important affairs; but the inutility of discussion between persons, one of whom is not authorised, but in conjunction with others, and the other not authorised at all, as well as the obvious inconveniences that may attend such previous handling of points, that are to be considered, when we come to treat regularly, is with me a still more effectual discouragement, and determines me to waive that part of the correspondence.
As to Digges, I have no confidence in him, nor in anything he says, or may say, of his being sent by Ministers. Nor will I have any communication with him, except in receiving and considering the justification of himself, which he pretends he shall be able and intends to make, for his excessive drafts on me, on account of the relief I have ordered to the prisoners, and his embezzlement of the money.
You justly observe in yours of the 12th, that the first object is to procure a "meeting of qualified and authorised persons," and that you understand the Ministry will be ready to proceed towards opening a negotiation as soon as the bill shall pa.s.s, and therefore it is necessary to consult time and place, and manner and persons, on each side. This you wrote while the old Ministry existed. If the new have the same intentions, and desire a general peace, they may easily discharge Mr Laurens from those engagements, which make his acting in the commission improper, and except Mr Jefferson, who remains in America, and is not expected here, we the Commissioners of Congress can easily be got together ready to meet yours, at such place as shall be agreed to by the powers at war, in order to form the treaty. G.o.d grant, that there may be wisdom enough a.s.sembled to make, if possible, a peace that shall be perpetual, and that the idea of any nations being natural enemies to each other, may be abolished for the honor of human nature.
With regard to those who may be commissioned from your government, whatever personal preferences I may conceive in my own mind, it cannot become me to express them. I only wish for wise and honest men. With such, a peace may be speedily concluded. With contentious wranglers the negotiation may be drawn into length, and finally frustrated.
I am pleased to see in the votes and Parliamentary speeches, and in your public papers, that in mentioning America, the word _reconciliation_ is often used. It certainly means more than a mere peace. It is a sweet expression. Revolve in your mind, my dear friend, the means of bringing about this _reconciliation_. When you consider the injustice of your war with us, and the barbarous manner in which it has been carried on, the many suffering families among us from your burning of towns, scalping by savages, &c. &c., will it not appear to you, that though a cessation of the war may be a peace, it may not be a reconciliation? Will not some voluntary acts of justice, and even of kindness on your part, have excellent effects towards producing such a _reconciliation_? Can you not find means of repairing in some degree those injuries? You have in England and Ireland twelve hundred of our people prisoners, who have for years bravely suffered all the hardships of that confinement, rather than enter into your service, to fight against their country. Methinks you ought to glory in descendants of such virtue. What if you were to begin your measures of _reconciliation_ by setting them at liberty? I know it would procure for you the liberty of an equal number of your people, even without a previous stipulation; and the confidence in our equity, with the apparent good will in the action, would give very good impressions of your change of disposition towards us. Perhaps you have no knowledge of the opinions lately conceived of your king and country, in America; the enclosed copy of a letter will make you a little acquainted with them, and convince you how impossible must be every project of bringing us again under the dominion of such a sovereign.
With great esteem, I am, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Pa.s.sy, April 8th, 1782.
Sir,
Since my last, an extraordinary revolution has taken place in the Court of England. All the old Ministers are out, and the chiefs of the opposition are in their places. The newspapers that I send will give you the names as correctly as we yet know them. Our last advices mention their kissing hands, but they had yet done nothing in their respective offices, by which one might judge of their projected measures, as whether they will ask a peace, of which they have great need, the nation having of late suffered many losses, men grown extremely scarce, and Lord North"s new taxes proposed as funds for the loan meeting with great opposition; or whether they will strive to find new resources, and obtain allies to enable them to please the King and nation by some vigorous exertions against France, Spain, and Holland.
With regard to America, having while in opposition carried the vote for making no longer an offensive war with us, they seem to have tied their own hands from acting against us. Their predecessors had been tampering with this Court for a separate peace. The King"s answer gave me great pleasure. It will be sent to M. de la Luzerne, and by him communicated to Congress. None of their attempts to divide us meet with the least encouragement, and I imagine the present set will try other measures.
My letters from Holland give pleasing accounts of the rapid progress our affairs are making in that country. The packet from M. Dumas, which I forward with this, will give you the particulars. The Prince de Broglie will do me the favor of delivering this to you. He goes over to join the French army with the more pleasure, as it is employed in the cause of liberty, a cause he loves, and in establishing the interests of America, a country for which he has much regard and affection. I recommend him earnestly to the civilities and services it may be in your power to render him, and I request you would introduce him to the President of Congress, and to the princ.i.p.al members civil and military.
Our excellent friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, will sail in about three weeks. By that time we may have more interesting intelligence from England, and I shall write you fully.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO HENRY LAURENS.
Pa.s.sy, April 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I should sooner have paid my respects to you by letter, if I had not till lately expected you here, as I understood it to be your intention. Your enlargement gave me great pleasure, and I hope that the terms exacted by the late Ministry will now be relaxed, especially when they are informed, that you are one of the Commissioners appointed to treat of peace. Herewith I send you a copy of the commission; the purport of which you can communicate to the Ministers if you find it proper. If they are disposed to make peace with us and our allies at the same time, I will, on notice from you, send to Mr Jay to prepare for meeting at such time and place as shall be agreed on.
As to our treating separately, and quitting our present alliance, which the late ministry seemed to desire, it is impossible. Our treaties and our instructions, as well as the honor and interest of our country, forbid it. I will communicate those instructions to you, as soon as I have the pleasure of seeing you. If you have occasion for money, please to acquaint me with the sum you desire, and I will endeavor to supply you.
With very great esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.
M. DE RAYNEVAL TO B. FRANKLIN.
Translation.
Versailles, April 12th, 1782.
Sir,
I have laid before the Count de Vergennes, the different letters, which Mr Hartley had written to you, as well as your proposed reply; the Minister has given his entire approbation to the manner in which you have expressed yourself. I subjoin a postscript concerning Mr Forth;[34] the Count de Vergennes, who has given it a perusal, finds that you may without impropriety transmit it to your correspondent.
[34] Mr Forth was a secret agent sent over to France by the British Ministry, to propose a separate treaty with the French Court.
I have the honor to be, Sir, with the most sincere attachment, your very humble and obedient servant,
DE RAYNEVAL.
_P. S._ Since my letter was written, Sir, I have considered anew the different overtures which it embraces. In your opinion, the late English Minister sincerely desired a reconciliation with us, and proposed with this view a separate peace. At the time you were transmitting this wish of Lord North to me, this exminister employed an emissary here to sound the Minister of France on the pacific disposition of his Court, and offer very advantageous propositions.
You will be able to judge from this, Sir, of the opinion which I ought to have of the intention of Lord North and his colleagues. To convince you of the truth of the suggestions which I communicate, I will confide to you, that the emissary was a Mr Forth, and that he was charged to reply to the English Minister, "_that the King of France is as desirous of peace as the King of England; and that he would accede to it as soon as he could with dignity and safety; but it is a matter of the last importance for His Most Christian Majesty to know, whether the Court of London is disposed to treat on equal terms with the allies of France_." Mr Forth has set out for London with this answer; but it is probable he will not arrive till after the Ministers, who have sent him, have retired from office.
You may, Sir, without the least hesitation, make use of these details if you judge it expedient. They will make known to the Minister in place the principles of the Court of France, and they will convince him, I hope, that the project of disuniting us will be as illusory as it will prove injurious to us. As to the reply sent by Mr Forth, I cannot foresee (if the new ministers are instructed on this point) in what manner they will think they ought to consider it; if they love peace, as they have persuaded the English nation and all Europe, they need not be embarra.s.sed; France has opened a way in which they can, in my opinion, act without wounding the dignity of their master; if they do not adopt it, they flatter themselves, without doubt, that the chance of war will procure for England the success, which heretofore has been denied her; it will be for Providence to crown or frustrate their hopes.
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.
Pa.s.sy, April 12th, 1782.
Sir,
Being at Court on Tuesday, I learnt from the Dutch Minister, that the new English Ministry have offered, through the Ministers of Russia, a cessation of arms to Holland, and a renewal of the treaty of 1674. M.
de Berkenrode seemed to be of the opinion, that the offer was intended to gain time, to obstruct the concert of operations with France for the ensuing campaign, and to prevent the conclusion of a Treaty with America. It is apprehended, that it may have some effect in strengthening the hands of the English party in that country, and r.e.t.a.r.d affairs a little, but it is hoped, that the proposal will not be finally agreed to. It would indeed render the Dutch ridiculous. A, having a cane in his hand, meets his neighbor B, who happens to have none, takes the advantage and gives him a sound drubbing. B, having found a stick, and coming to return the blows he received, A says, my old friend, why should we quarrel? We are neighbors, let us be good ones, and live peaceably by each other as we used to do. If B is so easily satisfied, and lays aside his stick, the rest of the neighbors, as well as A, will laugh at him. This is the light in which I stated it. Enclosed I send you a copy of the proposition.
I see by the newspapers, that the Spaniards, having taken a little post called St Joseph, pretend to have made a conquest of the Illinois country. In what light does this proceeding appear to Congress? While they decline our offered friendship, are they to be suffered to encroach on our bounds, and shut us up within the Appalachian mountains? I begin to fear they have some such project.
Having seen in the English prints an article from Lisbon, that two American ships, under French colors, being arrived in that port, were seized by the government, I asked the Portuguese Amba.s.sador if it was true. He said he had no advice of it, as he certainly should have had if such a thing had happened; he therefore did not give the least credit to it, and said, we might make ourselves perfectly easy; no such treatment would in his opinion be offered us in their ports; and he further observed, on the falsehood of English newspapers, their having lately a.s.serted, that the Congress had issued letters of marque for cruising against the Portuguese.
With great esteem, &c.
B. FRANKLIN.