The colored pupils were showing their appreciation by regular attendance, manly deportment, and rapid progress in the acquisition of knowledge. Speaking of these Negroes in 1855, John P. Foote said that they shared with the white citizens that respect for education, and the diffusion of knowledge, which has ever been one of their "characteristics," and that they had, therefore, been more generally intelligent than free persons of color not only in other States but in all other parts of the world.[1] It was in appreciation of the worth of this cla.s.s of progressive Negroes that in 1858 Nicholas Longworth built a comfortable school-house for them in Cincinnati, leasing it with the privilege of purchasing it in fourteen years.[2] They met these requirements within the stipulated time, and in 1859 secured through other agencies the construction of another building in the western portion of the city.[3]
[Footnote 1: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 92.]
[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 372.]
[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 372.]
The agitation for the admission of colored children to the public schools was not confined to Cincinnati alone, but came up throughout the section north of the Ohio River.[1] Where the black population was large enough to form a social center of its own, Negroes and their friends could more easily provide for the education of colored children. In settlements, however, in which just a few of them were found, some liberal-minded man usually asked the question why persons taxed to support a system of free schools should not share its benefits. To strengthen their position these benevolent men referred to the rapid progress of the belated people, many of whom within less than a generation from their emergence from slavery had become intelligent, virtuous, and respectable persons, and in not a few cases had acc.u.mulated considerable wealth.[2] Those who insisted that children of African blood should be debarred from the regular public schools had for their defense the so-called inequality of the races.
Some went so far as to concede the claims made for the progressive blacks, and even to praise those of their respective communities.[3]
But great as their progress had been, the advocates of the restriction of their educational privileges considered it wrong to claim for them equality with the Caucasian race. They believed that society would suffer from an intermingling of the children of the two races.
[Footnote 1: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, ch. iii.; and Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
[Footnote 2: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 93.]
[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 92.]
In Indiana the problem of educating Negroes was more difficult. R.G.
Boone says that, "nominally for the first few years of the educational experience of the State, black and white children had equal privileges in the few schools that existed."[1] But this could not continue long.
Abolitionists were moving the country, and freedmen soon found enemies as well as friends in the Ohio valley. Indiana, which was in 1824 so very "solicitous for a system of education which would guard against caste distinction," provided in 1837 that the white inhabitants alone of each congressional township should const.i.tute the local school corporation.[2] In 1841 a pet.i.tion was sent to the legislature requesting that a reasonable share of the school fund be appropriated to the education of Negroes, but the committee to which it was referred reported that legislation on that subject was inexpedient.[3]
With the exception of prohibiting the immigration of such persons into that State not much account of them was taken until 1853. Then the legislature amended the law authorizing the establishment of schools in townships so as to provide that in all enumerations the children of color should not be taken, that the property of the blacks and mulattoes should not be taxed for school purposes, and that their children should not derive any benefit from the common schools of that State.[4] This provision had really been incorporated into the former law, but was omitted by oversight on the part of the engrossing clerk.[5]
[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Ed. in Indiana_, p. 237.]
[Footnote 2: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1837, p. 15.]
[Footnote 3: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
[Footnote 4: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1855, p. 161.]
[Footnote 5: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
A resolution of the House instructing the educational committee to report a bill for the establishment of schools for the education of the colored children of the State was overwhelmingly defeated in 1853.
Explaining their position the opponents said that it was held "to be better for the weaker party that no privilege be extended to them,"
as the tendency to such "might be to induce the vain belief that the prejudice of the dominant race could ever be so mollified as to break down the rugged barriers that must forever exist between their social relations." The friends of the blacks believed that by elevating them the sense of their degradation would be keener, and so the greater would be their anxiety to seek another country, where with the spirit of men they "might breathe fresh air of social as well as political liberty."[1] This argument, however, availed little. Before the Civil War the Negroes of Indiana received help in acquiring knowledge from no source but private and mission schools.
[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
In Illinois the situation was better than in Indiana, but far from encouraging. The const.i.tution of 1847 restricted the benefits of the school law to white children, stipulating the word white throughout the act so as to make clear the intention of the legislators.[1] It seemed to some that, in excluding the colored children from the public schools, the law contemplated the establishment of separate schools in that it provided that the amount of school taxes collected from Negroes should be returned. Exactly what should be done with such money, however, was not stated in the act. But even if that were the object in view, the provision was of little help to the people of color for the reason that the clause providing for the return of school taxes was seldom executed. In the few cases in which it was carried out the fund thus raised was not adequate to the support of a special school, and generally there were not sufficient colored children in a community to justify such an outlay. In districts having control of their local affairs, however, the children of Negroes were often given a chance to attend school.
[Footnote 1: The Const.i.tution of Illinois, in the _Journal of the Const.i.tution of the State of Illinois_, 1847, p. 344.]
As this scant consideration given Negroes of Illinois left one-half of the six thousand of their children out of the pale of education, earnest appeals were made that the restrictive word white be stricken from the school law. The friends of the colored people sought to show how inconsistent this system was with the spirit of the const.i.tution of the State, which, interpreted as they saw it, guaranteed all persons equality.[1] They held meetings from which came renewed pet.i.tions to their representatives, entreating them to repeal or amend the old school law. It was not so much a question as to whether or not there should be separate schools as it was whether or not the people of color should be educated. The dispersed condition of their children made it impossible for the State to provide for them in special schools the same educational facilities as those furnished the youth of Caucasian blood. Chicago tried the experiment in 1864, but failing to get the desired result, incorporated the colored children into the white schools the following year.[2] The State Legislature had sufficient moral courage to do away with these caste distinctions in 1874.[3]
[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Const.i.tutions_, Const. of Illinois.]
[Footnote 2: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 343.]
[Footnote 3: Starr and Curtis, _Annotated Statutes of Illinois_, ch.
105, p. 2261.]
In other States of the West and the North where few colored people were found, the solution of the problem was easier. After 1848 Negroes were legal voters in the school meetings of Michigan. Colored children were enumerated with others to determine the basis for the apportionment of the school funds, and were allowed to attend the public schools. Wisconsin granted Negroes equal school privileges.[1]
After the adoption of a free const.i.tution in 1857, Iowa "determined no man"s rights by the color of his skin." Wherever the word white had served to restrict the privileges of persons of color it was stricken out to make it possible for them not only to bear arms and to vote but to attend public schools.[2]
[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 400.]
[Footnote 2: _Journal of the Const.i.tutional Convention of the State of Iowa_, 1857, p. 3 of the Const.i.tution.]
APPENDIX
DOc.u.mENTS
The following resolutions on the subject treated in this part (the instruction of Negroes) are from the works of Dr. Cotton Mather.--Bishop William Meade.
1st. I would always remember, that my servants are in some sense my children, and by taking care that they want nothing which may be good for them, I would make them as my children; and so far as the methods of inst.i.tuting piety into the mind which I use with my children, may be properly and prudently used with my servants, they shall be partakers in them--Nor will I leave them ignorant of anything, wherein I may instruct them to be useful to their generation.
2d. I will see that my servants be furnished with bibles and be able and careful to read the lively oracles. I will put bibles and other good and proper books into their hands; will allow them time to read and a.s.sure myself that they do not misspend this time--If I can discern any wicked books in their hands, I will take away those pestilential instruments of wickedness.
3d. I will have my servants present at the religious exercises of my family; and will drop, either in the exhortations, in the prayers or daily sacrifices of the family such pages as may have a tendency to quicken a sense of religion in them.
4th. The article of catechising, as far as the age or state of the servants will permit it to be done with decency, shall extend to them also,--And they shall be concerned in the conferences in which I may be engaged with my family, in the repet.i.tion of the public sermons. If any of them when they come to me shall not have learned the catechism, I will take care that they do it, and will give them a reward when they have accomplished it.
5th. I will be very inquisitive and solicitous about the company chosen by my servants; and with all possible earnestness will rescue them from the snares of evil company, and forbid their being the companions of fools.
6th. Such of my servants as may be capable of the task, I will employ to teach lessons of piety to my children, and will recompense them for so doing. But I would, by a particular artifice, contrive them to be such lessons, as may be for their own edification too.
7th. I will sometimes call my servants alone; talk to them about the state of their souls; tell them to close with their only servant, charge them to do well and "lay hold on eternal life," and show them very particularly how they may render all they do for me a service to the glorious Lord; how they may do all from a principle of obedience to him, and become ent.i.tled to the "reward of the heavenly inheritance."
To those resolutions did I add the following pages as an appendix:
Age is nearly sufficient, with some masters to obliterate every letter and action in the history of a meritorious life, and old services are generally buried under the ruins of an old carcase. It is a barbarous inhumanity in men towards their servants, to account their small failings as crimes, without allowing their past services to have been virtues; gracious G.o.d, keep thy servants from such base ingrat.i.tude!
But then O servants, if you would obtain "the reward of inheritance,"
each of you should set yourself to enquire "how shall I approve myself such a servant, that the Lord may bless the house of my master, the more for my being in it?" Certainly there are many ways by which servants may become blessings. Let your studies with your continual prayers for the welfare of the family to which you belong: and the example of your sober carriage render you such. If you will but remember four words and attempt all that is comprised in them, Obedience, Honesty, Industry, and Piety, you will be the blessings and Josephs of the families in which you live. Let these four words be distinctly and frequently recollected; and cheerfully perform all your business from this consideration--that it is obedience to heaven, and from thence will leave a recompense. It was the observation even of a pagan, "That a master may receive a benefit from a servant"; and "what is done with the affection of a friend, ceases to be the act of a mere servant." Even the maid-servants of a house may render a great service to it, by instructing the infants and instilling into their minds the lessons of goodness.--In the Appendix of Rev. Thomas Bacon"s _Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
EDIT DU ROI
Concernant les Esclaves Negres des Colonies, qui seront amenes, ou envoyes en France. Donne a Paris au mois d"Octobre 1716.
I. Nous avons connu la necessite qu"il y a d"y soutenir l"execution de l"edit du mars 1685, qui en maintenant la discipline de l"Eglise Catholique, Apostolique et Romaine, pourvoit a ce qui concerne l"etat et la qualite des Esclaves Negres, qu"on entretient dans lesdites colonies pour la culture des terres; et comme nous avons ete informes que plusieurs habitans de nos Isles de l"Amerique desirent envoyer en France quelques-uns de leur Esclaves pour les confirmer dans les Instructions et dans les Exercices de notre Religion, et pour leur faire apprendre en meme tems quelque Art et Metier dont les colonies recevroient beaucoup d"utilite par le retour de ces Esclaves; mais que les habitans craignaient que les Esclaves ne pretendent etre libres en arrivant en France, ce qui pourroit causer auxdits habitans une perte considerable, et les detourner d"un objet aussi pieux et aussi utile.
II. Si quelques-uns des habitans de nos colonies, ou officiers employes sur l"Etat desdites colonies, veulent amener en France avec eux des Esclaves Negres, de l"un & de l"autre s.e.xe, en qualite de domestique ou autrement pour les fortifier davantage dans notre Religion, tant par les instructions qu"ils recevront, que par l"exemple de nos autre sujets, et pour leur faire apprendre en meme tems quelque Art et Metier, dont les colonies puissent retirer de l"utilite, par le retour de ces Esclaves, lesdits proprietaires seront tenus d"en obtenir la permission des Gouverneurs Generaux, ou Commandans dans chaque Isle, laquelle permission contiendra le nom du proprietaire, celui des Esclaves, leur age & leur signalement.--Code Noir ou Recueil d"edits, declarations, et arrets concernant des Esclaves Negres Discipline el le commerce des Esclaves Negres des isles francaises de l"Amerique (in Recueil de reglemens, edits, declarations, et arrets concernant le commerce, l"administration de la justice et la police des colonies francaises de l"Amerique et les Engages avec le Code Noir et l"addition audit Code) (Jefferson"s copy). A Paris chez les Libraires a.s.socies, 1745.