It was obviously owing to a recognition of the degradation attendant upon the abuse of intoxicating drinks, which had played such a role in the cult of the earth-mother, that such stern laws were enforced in Mexico, at the time of the Conquest, restricting and regulating the use of pulque. This was distributed by the priests at certain festivals only. These and other rigid measures evidently dictated by a spirit of reform, as well as the close union of both cults, seem to have efficiently maintained a certain equilibrium. At the same time two different moral standards were thus inevitably evolved by the votaries of both cults and naturally profoundly affected the position of woman. The dangers and evils attendant upon the earth-cult became irretrievably a.s.sociated with the female s.e.x and the votaries of Heaven naturally came to regard woman as a source of temptation and degradation. In ancient Mexico and Peru the celibacy of the sun-priests and of a certain number of n.o.blewomen, "the Virgins of the Sun," was enforced; thus, whilst the position of woman was being lowered in one caste by an artificial set of ideas, it was raised in the other by an equally fict.i.tious a.s.sociation with the Above, which led, however, to her real elevation of mind and character and finally enforced a recognition of her individuality. The consecration of her person, which caused her to a.s.sume a position commanding universal homage, relieved her from heavy labor but caused her to be guarded and protected. She was thus condemned to a still greater seclusion, the primary object of which was to remove her from possible contact with members of the lower earthly caste.
For, whilst ceremonial usage even required that the male members of the upper caste should a.s.sociate in certain symbolical rites with the chief women of the lower order, it was a crime and a desecration for a man of the latter caste to approach a woman of the n.o.bility. These could only marry in their own caste or remain celibate and were kept aloof from all debasing influences, inside of protecting walls.
Reflection shows that such conditions would inevitably lead to the formation of a n.o.bility whose ideal was celibacy and whose "Virgins of the Sun," by virtue of their consecration, ranked highest amongst the women of the "celestial caste." Those who married did so in their own caste, led a life of seclusion and always maintained a position of superiority over all women of the "earthly caste." The latter, on the other hand, had the prerogative of being the representatives of their caste, since the cult of the earth-mother necessitated a female representative, high-priestesses and also female chiefs in their own rights. We know that, in ancient Mexico, an independent gynocracy had been founded at one time. From certain native ma.n.u.scripts and monuments we have positive evidence that a number of independent female chieftains ruled over minor communities and represented them officially, their rank and insignia being equal to that of the chiefs of male communities. At the same time, from the standpoint of the "upper caste," the position and moral code of these "votaries of the earth," were always viewed as inferior.
Another factor also exerted a marked and growing influence upon the relative positions of the two cla.s.ses of women. The enforced seclusion of the n.o.blewomen rendering out-door occupations or work impossible, it became necessary to relegate such to members of the lower caste who gradually const.i.tuted a cla.s.s of domestic slaves, dedicated to the service of the n.o.bility. In ancient Mexico, as a punishment for various crimes, such as murder, theft, etc., an individual, even of the upper cla.s.s, was reduced to slavery as a punishment for his crime. The ranks of slaves were also recruited from prisoners of war. On the other hand, the laws regulating slavery were just and mild, the children of slaves were born free and various modes of regaining freedom were afforded to those held in bondage as an expiation for crime. The introduction of slaves necessitating, as it did, their cla.s.sification with the lower cla.s.s, now a.s.sociated servitude with the female division of the community, and the idea arose that women and the lower cla.s.s existed for the benefit of the male element of the state and a favored minority of consecrated women.
If slavery and bondage came to be regarded on the one hand as a just punishment for crime, the idea of liberty shone as an incentive to good conduct. An eloquent proof of the high estimate in which personal freedom was regarded by the ancient Mexicans, is furnished by the Nahuatl word, recorded by Olmos, for "free man"=xoxouhqui-yollotl, literally, "fresh or green heart." This expression is of particular interest because it explains a strange mortuary custom which consisted in placing a piece of jade, chal-chihuitl, or precious green stone, in the mouth of a n.o.ble person, after death, saying that it was "his heart." In the case of the lower cla.s.s a stone of little value, named texaxoctli, was employed. In ancient Mexico, therefore, the presence of jade or any green stone, in a grave, proved that the body was that of a free member of the upper caste.
It is evident that the employment of this significant emblem was suggested by the Nahuatl word for "freeman," and const.i.tuted a sort of rebus expressing this t.i.tle or rank.
In the Peabody Museum there are several specimens of jade celts, collected by Dr. Earl Flint in Nicaragua, which had been cut into two or more pieces. Professor Putnam had the satisfaction of discovering that these pieces from different graves fitted together. His inference that the stone must have been rare and highly prized, probably from some motive connected with native ritual, is fully supported by the explanation afforded by the existence of the Nahuatl word. It is evident that, in order to provide a dead kinsman with the mark of his rank, a living chief would gladly have divided his own celt of jade, if, for some reason or other, no other green stone was forthcoming at the time of burial.
Let us now rapidly enumerate a few facts which prove that not only burial customs but also social organization and numerical divisions were carried northward from the southern cradle of ancient American civilization. I shall make two statements only, hoping that competent authorities on North American tribal organization, and amongst them, my esteemed friend and colleague, Miss Alice C. Fletcher, will supply a number of authoritative reports on these matters.
Referring to the writings of Horatio Hale, whose comparatively recent loss will long be deeply felt by all students of aboriginal history and languages, I quote the following sentences from his interesting pamphlet on "Four Huron Wampum records," published, with notes and addenda by Prof.
E. B. Tylor of Oxford, in 1897.
"The surviving members of the Huron nation, even in its present broken, dispersed and half extinct condition, still retain the memory of their ancient claim to the headship of all the aboriginal tribes of America north of Mexico.... The Hurons or Wendat, as they should be properly styled, belonged to the important group or linguistic stock, commonly known, from its princ.i.p.al branch, as the Iroquoian family and which includes, besides the Huron and Iroquois nations, the Attiwendaronks, the Eries, Andastes, Tuscaroras and Cherokees, all once independent and powerful nations." (I draw attention to the detail that these nations were seven in number.) Gallatin, in his "Synopsis of the Indian tribes,"
notices the remarkable fact that while the "Five Nations" or Iroquois proper were found by Champlain, on his arrival in Canada, to be engaged in deadly warfare with all the Algonquian tribes within their reach, the Hurons, another Iroquoian nation, were the head and princ.i.p.al support of the Algonquian confederacy. In the "Fall of Hochelaga," Horatio Hale sets forth the reasons which led to the division of the Hurons and Iroquois, who had formerly dwelt together in friendly unison. The latter, retreating to the south and augmented by other refugees, became the "Five Confederate Nations."
The "kingdom of Hochelaga," as Cartier styles it, comprised, besides the fortified city of that name, the important town of Stadacone (commonly known to its people as Canada or "the town") and eight or nine other towns along the great river. According to their tradition the name of their leader, Sut-staw-ra-tse, had been kept up by descent for seven or eight hundred years.
"Towards the conclusion of a long and deadly warfare between the Iroquois confederates and Canada as well as the Hurons a remarkable change had taken place in their character; a change which recalls that which is believed to have been developed in the character of the Spartans under the inst.i.tutions of Lycurgus, and the similar change which is known to have appeared in the character of the Arabians under the influence of Mohammedan precepts. A great reformer had arisen in the person of the Onondaga chief, Hiawatha, who, imbued with an overmastering idea, had inspired his people with a spirit of self-sacrifice, which stopped at no obstacle in the determination of carrying into effect their teacher"s sublime purpose. This purpose was the establishment of universal peace....
The Tionontate or Tobacco Nation seem to have made an alliance with the Huron nation....
"Eight clans or gentes composed the Huron people and were found in different proportions in all the tribes. These clans, called by the Algonquians "totems," all bore the names of certain animals, with which the Indians held themselves to be mythologically connected-the bear, wolf, deer, porcupine, snake, hawk, large tortoise and small tortoise. Each clan was more numerous in some towns than in others, as it was natural that near kindreds should cl.u.s.ter together.
"The five Iroquois nations also had eight clans.... The Iroquois league is spoken of in their Book of Rites as kanasta-tsi-koma, "the great framework" and the large, bent frame-poles of their council-house, the exact original shape of which is not known, were named kan-asta."
An examination of the signs woven in the famous wampum belts of the Hurons and Iroquois reveals some curious facts.
One of these treaty belts, described by Horatio Hale, commemorates an alliance formed between four nations. It exhibits four squares (fig. 54, _a_) "which indicate, in the Indian hieroglyphic system, either towns or tribes with their territory."(49) This mode of representing a nation is of utmost interest, not only because it coincides with the Maya conception of "the quadrated" earth but because it also reveals that, in North America, the Indians a.s.sociated a tribal organization with a quadriform. What is more, an older belt, which is unfortunately incomplete, exhibits a central oval (fig. 54, _b_) between a bird and a quadruped and three crosses with a circle uniting their branches. The cross and circle, being a native symbol for "an integral state," as definitely proven by the Maya map, justifies the suggestion that this symbol on the wampum belt may have had the significance of "nation" and central government. It is remarkable that the Iroquois central capital, Ho-che-laga, can be a.n.a.lyzed in the Maya tongue, as meaning five=_ho_, tree=_che_ or _hoch_=vase (symbol of centre) whilst the terminal _laga_ might possibly be a form of _lacan_=banner, an object so frequently a.s.sociated with names of towns in Mexico, where it yields the sound pan and means on or above something.
[Ill.u.s.tration.]
Figure 54.
It will be interesting and important to learn what "Hochelaga" means in the Iroquois language. The resemblance between the Maya and Iroquois symbols for nation and tribal territory and of the names for capital might even be overlooked and treated as a coincidence merely, if the Iroquois name for the confederacy, kan-asta-tsik-o-ma did not also begin with the word kan, the Maya for four and for serpent. The same particle recurs in the Iroquois name for the town=can-ada, a word which, in Maya, would describe a metropolis divided into four quarters.
The question naturally suggests itself whether the affix can, frequently met with in Mexico combined with names of localities, was not of Maya origin and expressed also a centre of quadruple government. It occurs in the Nahuatl name for metropolis to-tec-ua can and in Teoti-hua can, for instance. The Nahuatl scholars have rendered its meaning as "place of."
Mr. Hale tells us that, amongst the "Five Nations," the tradition exists that the confederacy was originally divided into "seven tribes," each of which was composed of 24=8 gentes or clans. Another wampum belt he figures exhibits a heart between 22=4 squares, a symbol which would be interpreted by a Mexican or Maya as well as by a Huron or Iroquois, as meaning "four nations, one heart," the latter being as common a symbol for union of rule or government or for chieftain, as a "head."
Combined with other testimony it seems impossible to evade the question whether in remote times the Iroquois and Hurons had not shared in some way or other the civilization of the Mayas. If so the ancient earthwork-builders of the Ohio valley, who are authoritatively regarded as of southern origin by Professor Putnam, and whose art exhibits a strong resemblance to that of the Mayas, seem to const.i.tute the missing link between the northeastern and the southeastern tribes. It is curious to find that the terminal che, which occurs in the name Quiche and which signifies in Maya, tree, and, by extension, tribe, is preserved in the names of the Nat-che-z tribe still inhabiting the Mississippi valley. It is also present in Coman-che, Apa-che, etc.
It is to be hoped that, before long, authorities who have made special studies of the above tribes will make searching comparisons of their languages, social organization and symbolism with that of the Mayas, in particular, it seeming evident that the coast communication along the gulf of Mexico, from Yucatan to the mouth of the Mississippi river, was not only easy but was favored by sea-currents.
It is interesting to note that if we now proceed to the southwest of the United States and study the Pueblo people, we seem to find not only more distinctly marked affinities between their customs, etc., and those of the Mexicans, but also traces of similarity with certain Maya symbols.
In several important publications Dr. J. Walter Fewkes has made the valuable observation that there are marked "resemblances between a ceremony practised [at the time of the Conquest] in the heart of Mexico and one still kept up in Arizona," and states that these "lead one to look for likenesses in symbolism, especially that pertaining to the mythological Snake among the two peoples." He continues as follows: "From the speculative side it seems probable that there is an intimate resemblance between some of the ceremonials, the symbolism and mythological systems of the Indians of Tusayan and those of the more cultured stocks of Central America.... The facts here recorded look as if the Hopi practise a ceremonial form of worship with strong affinities to the Nahuatl and Maya.... I have not yet seen enough evidence to convince me that the Hopi derived their cult and ceremonials from the Zunians or from any other single people. It is probably composite. I am not sure that portions of it were not brought up from the far south, perhaps from the Salado and Gila by the Bat-kin-ya-muh="Water people," whose legendary history is quite strong that they came from the south."(50)
Dr. Fewkes frankly states that he "knows next to nothing of the symbolic characters of the Mexican deities ..." and quotes Mr. Bandelier"s opinion that "there are traces or tracks of the same mythological system and symbolism amongst the Indians of the southwestern United States and the aborigines of Central America."
Under the leadership of Mr. Frank H. Cushing let us now enter into the life and thoughts of the modern Zunis. After having traced certain ideas in Mexico and Peru, it is possible to recognize them again when we find them in Mr. Cushing"s valuable work, from which I shall quote somewhat at length, referring the reader, however, to the original, for a fuller realization of existing resemblances.(51)
The Zuni creation-myth relates how the light of the Sun-father and a foam-cap on the sea, caused the Earth-mother to give birth to twin-brothers, Uanam Achi Piah-_koa_, "the Beloved Twain who descended."
The first was Uanam Ehkona=the beloved Preceder, the second Uanam Yaluna, the beloved Follower; they were twin-brothers of light, yet elder and younger, the right and left, like to question and answer in deciding and doing.... The Sun-father gave them the thunderbolts of the four quarters, two apiece.... On their cloud-shield, even as a spider in her web descendeth, they descended into the underworld ... (p. 381).
Pausing here for a moment, we note the curious fact that in the Zuni name for the twins we find _koa_, resembling the Nahuatl coatl=twin or serpent; that the name of one brother Ehk-ona recalls the Mexican ec-atl=air, wind or breath, and the Maya ik=air, wind, breath, courage, spirit. The allotment of two quarters to each and the image of a spider employed to express their descent from heaven have counterparts in Nahuatl lore.
The "Twain" ... guided men upwards to become the fathers of six kinds of men (yellow or tawny, grey, red, white, mingled and black).... The nation divided itself into the winter or Macaw and the summer or Raven people....
"The Twain beloved gathered in council for the naming and selection of man groups and creature kinds, s.p.a.ces and things. They determined that the creatures and things of summer and the southern s.p.a.ce pertained to the southern people or children of the producing Earth-mother; and those of the winter and northern s.p.a.ce to the winter people or children of the Forcing or Quickening Sky-father."
It is impossible to do more than refer the reader to Mr. Cushing"s account of the origin of totem clans and creature-kinds which bears such an affinity to the Peruvian, and obviously arose for the same practical reason, to serve as distinction marks for identification and cla.s.sification. "At first ... there were four bands of priest-keepers of the mysteries: the Shiwana-kwe=priesthood of the priest-people; Sa"niah"-ya-kwe=priesthood of the Hunt; Ach-iahya-kwe=great Knife people; Newe-kwe=keepers of the magic medicines." Out of these four divisions "all societies were formed, both that of the Middle and the twain for each of all six regions, const.i.tuting the tabooed and sacred 13." In another pa.s.sage account is given of the marriage of a brother and sister, which produced twelve children, the first of which, Hlamon, was man and woman combined-the 12 thus const.i.tuting in reality 13.
One of the most interesting portions of the Zuni narrative is one which elucidates the motive which led to the migration of peoples in ancient America. We are told how generations of the forefathers of the Zunis wandered about in search of the stable middle of the earth, on which they wished to found their sacred city. The tribe divided; the winter-clan journeyed to the northeast and the summer-clan to the southwest, a reunion of the people took place, and a council was held for the determination of the true Middle.... According to a myth the Sun-father requested the water-skate to determine the Middle. This mythical monster lifted himself up, stretched out and then settled downward, calling out: "Where my heart and navel rest beneath them mark ye the spot and then build ye a town of the midmost, for there shall be the midmost of the Earth-mother, even the navel.... And when he descended squatting, his belly rested over the plain and valley of Zuni and when he drew in his finger-legs, lo! there were the trail roads leading out and in like the stays of a spider"s net, into and forth from the place he had covered."
Pausing to point out that fig. 28, reproduced from Mexican Codices, shows curious topographical drawings resembling a spider"s net, I will not recount the many disappointments of the wanderers, who were evidently driven away from several places of settlement by earthquakes, but will refer to the Zuni custom of "annually testing the stability of the Middle in middle time ... when the sun reached the middle between winter and summer ... a sh.e.l.l was laid by the sacred fire of the north.... When during solemn chanting no trembling of the earth ensued, the priests cast new fire and ... dwelt happily feeling sure that their sacred things were resting in the stable middle of the world."
At the beginning of this paper I referred to the powerful hold that the realization of the fixity of the pole star would naturally have exerted upon the mind of primitive man, and I can produce no more striking ill.u.s.tration of this and of my view that the idea of central government and organization had been suggested by Polaris, than this account of the earnest and prolonged search of these ancient people for the stable centre of the earth, on which to found a permanent centre of terrestrial rule or the plan of the celestial government. At the same time it seems to me that the longing for a stable and fixed residence would naturally have been most intense amongst people who had experienced terrible earthquakes and been driven out of their original abodes by their repeated destruction. It is unnecessary to mention the well-known fact that whilst earthquakes prevail throughout North and Central America, the most impressive trace of catastrophes of the kind are connected with the gigantic volcanoes of Central Mexico and Guatemala.
With a sympathetic insight into the disasters which seem to have driven the wandering tribes from one region to another and filled them with a pa.s.sionate yearning for a centre of rest, let us now learn from Mr.
Cushing how they planned their metropolis and organized themselves, when they had found the long-looked-for goal, in the Zuni valley and "settling there, built seven great cities therein.
"All their subtribes and lesser tribes were distinctively related to and ruled from a central tribe and town through priest chiefs representatives of each of these, sitting under supreme council or septuarchy of the "Master priests of the house" in the central town itself, much as were the divisions and cities of the great Inca dominion in South America represented at and ruled from Cuzco, the central city and power of them all.
"Zuni is divided, not always clearly to the eye, but very clearly in the estimation of the people themselves, into seven parts, corresponding not perhaps in arrangement topographically, but in scheme to their subdivisions of the worlds or world-quarters of this world. Thus one division of the town is supposed to be related to the north and to be centred in its kiva or estufa which may or may not be at its centre; another division represents the west, another the south, another the east; yet another the upper world and another the lower world; while a final division represents the middle or mother and synthetic combination of the all in the world.
"By reference to the early Spanish history of the pueblos, it may be seen that when discovered the Ashiwis or Zunis were living in seven quite widely separated towns the celebrated seven cities of Cibola and that this theoretic subdivision of the only one of these towns now remaining is in some manner a survival of the original subdivision of the tribes into seven into as many towns. It is evident that in both cases, however, the arrangement was and is, if we may call it such, a mythic organization; hence my use of the term of mytho-sociologic organization of the tribe. At all events this is the key to their sociology as well as to their mythic conception of s.p.a.ce and universe.
"... There were nineteen clans, grouped in threes, to correspond to the mythic subdivision. Three to north, west, south, east, Upper, Lower. The _single_ clan of Macaw is midmost or of middle and also as the all containing and mother clan of the entire tribe, for in it is "the seed of the priesthood of houses" supposed to be preserved.(52)
"Finally, as produced from all the clans and as representative alike of all the clans and through a tribal septuarchy of all the regions and divisions of the midmost and, finally, as representative of all the cult societies above mentioned, is the Kaka or A"kaka-kwe or Mythic Dance drama people or organization.
"It may be seen of these mytho-sociologic organizations that they are a system within a system and that it contains systems within systems all founded on the cla.s.sification according to the six-fold division of things and in turn the six-fold division of each of these divisions of things ...
The tribal division made up of the clans of the north take precedence ceremonially, occupying the position of elder brother or the oldest ancestor. The west is the younger brother to this and the south of the west, the east of south, etc.... while the middle is supposed to be a representative being, the heart and name of all of the brothers of the regions, the first and last, as well as elder and younger.
"To such an extent indeed, is this tendency to cla.s.sify according to the number of the six regions with its seventh synthesis of them all (the latter sometimes apparent, sometimes non-appearing) that not only are the subdivisions of the societies also again subdivided according to this arrangement, but each clan is subdivided, both according to the six-fold arrangement and according to the subsidiary relations of the six parts of its totem....
"In each clan is to be found a set of names, called the names of childhood. These names are more of t.i.tles than of cognomens. They are determined upon by sociological divinistic modes and are bestowed in childhood as the "verity names" or t.i.tles of the children to whom given.
But the body of names relating to any one totem, for instance, to one of the beast totems, will not be the name of the totem-beast itself but will be the names of both of the totems and its various conditions and of the various parts of the totem or of its functions, or of its attributes, actual or mythical.
"Now these parts or functions, or attributes of the parts or functions, are subdivided also in a six-fold manner, so that the name relating to one member of the totem, for example, like the right leg or arm of the animal thereof, would correspond to the north and would be the first in honor in a clan (not itself of the northern group); then the name relating to another member, say the left leg and its powers, etc., would pertain to the west and would be second in honor, ... the right foot, pertaining to the south, would be third in honor, ... the tail to the lower regions and be sixth in honor; while the heart and navel and centre of the being would be first as well as last in honor.... In addressing each other the word symbol for elder or younger is always used.
"With such a system of arrangement as all this maybe seen to be, with such a facile device for symbolizing the arrangement (not only according to the number of regions, and their subdivisions in their relative succession and the succession of their elements and seasons, but also in the colors attributed to them) and, finally, with such an arrangement of names, correspondingly cla.s.sified and of terms of relation significant of rank rather than of consanguineal connection, mistake in the order of a ceremonial, a procession or a council is simply impossible and the people employing these devices may be said to have written and to be writing their statutes and laws in all their daily relationship and utterances."
If this precious exposition of the Zuni social organization teaches us more about native method and system than all of the writings of the Spanish chroniclers put together, there is one important point which, strangely enough, is not touched upon, namely, the regulation of time. All information concerning native astronomy, and the subdivision of the years, the festival periods and the names of days, seems to have been withheld from Mr. Cushing by the Zuni priesthood, if we are to a.s.sume that they possess a calendar.