Two hours later the keel was heard to split, and the ship was hurled rudderless to and fro in the trough of the sea.
By the French account, matters were in no more enviable state aboard the _Pelican_; Iberville, however, amidst scenes rivalling those just described, did his best to animate his officers and men with a spirit equalling his own.
"It is better," he cried, "to die, if we must, outside the bastions of Fort Bourbon than to perish here like pent sheep on board."
[Sidenote: Terrible plight of the shipwrecked French.]
When morning broke, it was seen by the French that their ship was not yet submerged, and it was resolved to disembark by such means as lay in their power. The Company"s servants were more fortunate. The _Hudson"s Bay_ had drifted eight miles to the south of the fort, and was wrecked on a bank of icy marshland, which at least constrained them to wade no deeper than their knees. The French, however, were forced to make their way through the icy water submerged to their necks, from the results of which terrible exposure no fewer than eighteen marines and seamen lost their lives. Once on sh.o.r.e they could not, like the English, look forward to a place of refuge and appease their hunger with provisions and drink. They were obliged, in their shivering, half frozen state, to subsist upon moss and seaweed, but for which indifferent nourishment they must inevitably have perished.
The Company"s garrison witnessed the calamities which were overtaking the French, but not knowing how great their number, and a.s.sured of their hostility, did not attempt any acts of mercy. They perceived the enemy camped in a wood, less than two leagues distant, where, building several large fires they sought to restore their spirits by means of warmth and hot draughts of boiled herbs.
[Ill.u.s.tration: "The enemy camped in a wood where, building several large fires, they sought to restore their spirits."]
While the fort was being continually recruited by survivors of the two wrecked ships, the other three French vessels had arrived on the scene. The fourth, the _Violent_, lay at the bottom of the Bay, having been sunk by the ice. The _Palmier_ had suffered the loss of her helm, but was fortunate in not being also a victim of the storm. The French forces being now united, little time was lost by Iberville in making active preparations for the attack upon the fort.
On the 11th, the enemy attained a small wood, almost under the guns of the fort, and having entrenched themselves, lit numerous fires and made considerable noise in order to lend the impression to the English that an entrenchment was being thrown up. This ruse was successful, for the Governor gave orders to fire in that direction; and Iberville, seizing this opportunity, effected a landing of all his men and armaments from the ships.
[Sidenote: Iberville demands surrender of the fort.]
The fort would now soon be hemmed in on all sides, and it were indeed strange if a chance shot or fire-brand did not ignite the timbers, and the powder magazine were not exploded. Governor Bailey was holding a council of his advisers when one of the French prisoners in the fort gave notice of the approach of a messenger bearing a flag of truce. He was recognized as Martigny. The Governor permitted his advance, and sent a factor to meet him and insist upon his eyes being bandaged before he would be permitted to enter. Martigny was conducted to where the council was sitting and there delivered Iberville"s message, demanding surrender. He was instantly interrupted by Captain Smithsend, who, with a great show of pa.s.sion, asked the emissary if it were not true that Iberville had been killed in the action. In spite of Martigny"s denials, Smithsend loudly persisted in believing in Iberville"s death; and held that the French were in sore straits and only made the present attack because no other alternative was offered to desperate men to obtain food and shelter. Bailey allowed himself to be influenced by Smithsend, and declined to yield to any of Martigny"s demands. The latter returned, and the French instantly set up a battery near the fort and continued, amidst a hail of bullets, the work of landing their damaged stores and armaments. Stragglers from the wreck of the _Hudson"s Bay_ continued all day to find their way to the fort, but several reached it only to be shot down in mistake by the cannon and muskets of their own men. On the 12th, after a hot skirmish, fatal to both sides, the Governor was again requested, this time by Serigny, to yield up the fort to superior numbers.
"If you refuse we will set fire to the place, and accord you no quarter," was the French ultimatum.
"Set fire and be d----d to you!" responded Bailey.
He then set to work, with Smithsend, whose treatment at the hands of the French in the affair of the _Merchant of Perpetuana_ was still vividly before him, to animate the garrison.
"Go for them, you dogs!" cried Bailey, "Give it to them hot and heavy; I promise you forty pounds apiece for your widows!"
Fighting in those days was attended by fearful mortality, and the paucity of pensions to the hero"s family, perhaps, made the offer seem handsome. At any rate it seemed a sufficient incentive to the Company"s men, who fought like demons.[34]
A continual fire of guns and mortars, as well as of muskets, was kept up. The Canadians sallied out upon a number of skirmishes, filling the air with a frightful din, borrowing from the Iroquois their piercing war-cries. In one of these sallies St. Martin, one of their bravest men, perished.
Under protection of a flag of truce, Serigny came again to demand a surrender. It was the last time, he said, the request would be preferred. A general a.s.sault had been resolved upon by the enemy, who were at their last resort, living like beasts in the wood, feeding on moss, and to whom no extremity could be odious were it but an exchange for their present condition. They were resolved upon carrying the fort, even at the point of the bayonet and over heaps of their slain.
Bailey decided to yield. He sent Morrison to carry the terms of capitulation, in which he demanded all the peltries in the fort belonging to the Hudson"s Bay Company. This demand being rejected by the enemy, Bailey later in the evening sent Henry Kelsey with a proposition to retain a portion of their armament; this also was refused. There was now nothing for it but to surrender, Iberville having granted an evacuation with bag and baggage.
[Sidenote: Evacuation of the English.]
At one o"clock on the following day, therefore, the evacuation took place. Bailey, at the head of his garrison and a number of the crew of the wrecked _Hudson"s Bay_, and six survivors of the _Hampshire_, marched forth from Fort York with drums beating, flag flying, and with arms and baggage. They hardly knew whither they were to go; or what fate awaited them. A vast and inhospitable region surrounded them, and a winter long to be remembered for its severity had begun. But to the French it seemed as if their spirits were undaunted, and they set forth bravely.
The enemy watched the retreat of the defeated garrison not without admiration, and for the moment speculation was rife as to their fate.
But it was only for the moment. Too rejoiced to contemplate anything but the termination of their own sufferings, the Canadians hastened to enter the fort, headed by Boisbriant, late an ensign in the service of the Compagnie du Nord. Fort Nelson was once more in the hands of the French.[35]
[Ill.u.s.tration: CAPTURE OF FORT NELSON BY THE FRENCH.
(_From a Contemporary Print appearing in M. de la Potherie"s "Relation."_)]
The Company, too, was debarred from any attempt at reconquest, because of the Treaty[36] just concluded at Ryswick, which yielded the territory which had been the scene of so much commerce, action and bloodshed to the subjects of the Most Christian King.
FOOTNOTES:
[31] A young Irishman, Edmund Fitz-Maurice, of Kerry, who had embraced the Church, and had served with James"s army at the Battle of the Boyne, accompanied the expedition in the character of chaplain. He is alluded to by the French chronicler of the affair as "Fiche-Maurice de Kieri de la Maison du Milord Kieri en Irlande."
[32] The fourth, the fire-ship _Owner"s Love_, was never more heard of. It is supposed that, separated from the others, she ran into the ice and was sunk, with all on board.
[33] Thus was concluded what was, in the opinion of the best authorities, French and English, one of the fiercest and bloodiest battles of the war.
"Toute la Marine de Rochefort croient que ce combat a ete un des plus rudes de cette Guerre," says La Potherie.
[34] "Ils avoient de tres habile cannoniers," Jeremie, an eye-witness, was forced to confess.
[35] "Ainsi le dernier poste," Garneau exclaims, "que les English avaient dans le baie d"Hudson tombe en notre pouvoir, et la France resta seule maitresse de cette region." (Tome II., p. 137.)
But Garneau overlooked the three forts in James" Bay retaken by the English in 1693; one of which, Fort Anne or Chechouan, he mistook for Fort Nelson. At any rate Fort Albany or Chechouan remained in possession of the Company from 1693; and they never lost it.
It was unsuccessfully attacked by Menthel in 1709.
[36] So strongly has the Treaty of Ryswick been interpreted in favour of France, that some historians merely state the fact that by it she retained all Hudson"s Bay, and the places of which she was in possession at the beginning of the war. The commissioners having never met to try the question of right, things remained _in statu quo_. Now, whatever the commissioners might have done, had they ever pa.s.sed judgment on the cause the Treaty provided they should try, they could not have given Fort Albany to the British, for it was one of the places taken by the French during the preceding peace, and retaken by the British during the war, and, therefore, adjudged in direct terms of the Treaty itself to belong to France. Thus, then, it will be seen, declared the opponents of the Company, that the only possession held by the Hudson"s Bay Company during the sixteen years that intervened between the Treaty of Ryswick and the Treaty of Utrecht was one to which they had no right, and which the obligations of the Treaty required should be given up to France.--_Report of Ontario Boundary Commission._
CHAPTER XV.
1698-1713.
Pet.i.tion Presented to Parliament Hostile to Company -- Seventeenth Century Conditions of Trade -- _Coureurs de Bois_ -- Price of Peltries -- Standard of Trade Prescribed -- Company"s Conservatism -- Letters to Factors -- Character of the Early Governors -- Henry Kelsey -- York Factory under the French -- Ma.s.sacre of Jeremie"s Men -- Starvation amongst the Indians.
Before the news of the catastrophe could reach England, in April, 1698, there was presented to Parliament a pet.i.tion appealing against the confirmation of the privileges and trade granted to the Company in 1690.
The princ.i.p.al reason alleged for this action was the exorbitant price of beaver which it was contended turned away an immense amount of Indian trade, which reverted to the French in Canada.
Another reason given was the undesirable monopoly which caused English dealers, while paying the highest prices for beaver, to get the worst article; the best travelling to Russia and other continental countries. In this pet.i.tion, concocted by enemies of the Company envious of its success, it was insinuated that the Company"s trade had been of no use save to increase the practice of stock-jobbing.
[Sidenote: The Company replies to its enemies.]
To this the Company made reply that "it was well known that the price of beaver had decreased one-third since its own establishment; and that themselves, far from hindering the trade, encouraged it by every means in their power, being anxious to be relieved of an over-stocked commodity." Herein they referred to the enormous quant.i.ty of furs stored in their warehouse, for which, during the stringency of continued trade they were obliged to retain and pay repeated taxes upon.[37] As for sending goods to Russia it was only of late years that the Company had extended its trade to that and other foreign countries and for no other cause than that reasonable prices could not be obtained in England.
Although two London guilds, the Skinner"s Company and the Felt-makers"
Company, joined issue with the Honourable Adventurers, the fate of the pet.i.tion was sealed. On account of the misfortunes which had overtaken the Company, together with the presence of other and weightier matters, for Parliamentary consideration, the pet.i.tion was laid on the table, and from the table it pa.s.sed to the archives, where, together with the Act of 1690, it lay forgotten for a century and a half.
It will be diverting, at this juncture in the general narrative, to glance at seventeenth century conditions of life and commerce in the domain of the Company.
[Sidenote: Method of trade with the Indians.]
Even at so early a period as 1690 was the method of transacting trade with the Indians devised and regulated. The tribes brought down their goods, beaver skins, martens, foxes and feathers, to the Factory and delivered them through a small aperture in the side of the storehouse.
They entered the stockade three or four at a time; trading one by one at the window over which presided the traders. The whole of the actual trading of the Factory was in the hands of two officials known as traders. None other of the Company"s servants at any fort were permitted to have direct intercourse with the Indians, save in exceptional circ.u.mstances. The trade was chiefly carried on in summer when the rivers were free from ice, although occasionally the natives in the immediate region of the factories came down in winter; the factors never refusing to trade with them when they so came. No partiality was shown to particular tribes, but the actual hunters were favoured more than those who merely acted as agents or carriers. It was not unusual for the chief factors, as the Governors came to be called after 1713, to make presents to the chiefs in order to encourage them to bring down as many of their tribe the ensuing year as possible.