"Given at the Palace of the Elysee, December 2d, 1851.
"(Signed) L.N. BONAPARTE."
"IN THE NAME OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE.
"The President of the Republic decrees:--
"ARTICLE I. The National a.s.sembly is dissolved.
"ARTICLE II. Universal suffrage is re-established. The law of May 31 is abrogated.
"ARTICLE III. The French People are convoked in their electoral districts from the 14th December to the 21st December following.
"ARTICLE IV. The State of Siege is decreed in the district of the first Military Division.
"ARTICLE V. The Council of State is dissolved.
"ARTICLE VI. The Minister of the Interior is charged with the execution of this decree.
"Given at the Palace of the Elysee, 2d December, 1851.
"LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
"DE MORNY, Minister of the Interior."
CHAPTER VII.
NO. 70, RUE BLANCHE
The Cite Gaillard is somewhat difficult to find. It is a deserted alley in that new quarter which separates the Rue des Martyrs from the Rue Blanche. I found it, however. As I reached No. 4, Yvan came out of the gateway and said, "I am here to warn you. The police have an eye upon this house, Michel is waiting for you at No. 70, Rue Blanche, a few steps from here."
I knew No. 70, Rue Blanche. Manin, the celebrated President of the Venetian Republic, lived there. It was not in his rooms, however, that the meeting was to take place.
The porter of No. 70 told me to go up to the first floor. The door was opened, and a handsome, gray-haired woman of some forty summers, the Baroness Coppens, whom I recognized as having seen in society and at my own house, ushered me into a drawing-room.
Michel de Bourges and Alexander Rey were there, the latter an ex-Const.i.tuent, an eloquent writer, a brave man. At that time Alexander Rey edited the _National_.
We shook hands.
Michel said to me,--
"Hugo, what will you do?"
I answered him,--
"Everything."
"That also is my opinion," said he.
Numerous representatives arrived, and amongst others Pierre Lefranc, Labrousse, Theodore Bac, Noel Parfait, Arnauld (de l"Ariege), Demosthenes Ollivier, an ex-Const.i.tuent, and Charamaule. There was deep and unutterable indignation, but no useless words were spoken.
All were imbued with that manly anger whence issue great resolutions.
They talked. They set forth the situation. Each brought forward the news which he had learnt.
Theodore Bac came from Leon Faucher, who lived in the Rue Blanche. It was he who had awakened Leon Faucher, and had announced the news to him.
The first words of Leon Faucher were, "It is an infamous deed."
From the first moment Charamaule displayed a courage which, during the four days of the struggle, never flagged for a single instant.
Charamaule is a very tall man, possessed of vigorous features and convincing eloquence; he voted with the Left, but sat with the Right.
In the a.s.sembly he was the neighbor of Montalembert and of Riancey.
He sometimes had warm disputes with them, which we watched from afar off, and which amused us.
Charamaule had come to the meeting at No. 70 dressed in a sort of blue cloth military cloak, and armed, as we found out later on.
The situation was grave; sixteen Representatives arrested, all the generals of the a.s.sembly, and he who was more than a general, Charras.
All the journals suppressed, all the printing offices occupied by soldiers. On the side of Bonaparte an army of 80,000 men which could be doubled in a few hours; on our side nothing. The people deceived, and moreover disarmed. The telegraph at their command. All the walls covered with their placards, and at our disposal not a single printing case, not one sheet of paper. No means of raising the protest, no means of beginning the combat. The _coup d"etat_ was clad with mail, the Republic was naked; the _coup d"etat_ had a speaking trumpet, the Republic wore a gag.
What was to be done?
The raid against the Republic, against the a.s.sembly, against Right, against Law, against Progress, against Civilization, was commanded by African generals. These heroes had just proved that they were cowards.
They had taken their precautions well. Fear alone can engender so much skill. They had arrested all the men of war of the a.s.sembly, and all the men of action of the Left, Baune, Charles Lagrange, Miot, Valentin, Nadaud, Cholat. Add to this that all the possible chiefs of the barricades were in prison. The organizers of the ambuscade had carefully left at liberty Jules Favre, Michel de Bourges, and myself, judging us to be less men of action than of the Tribune; wishing to leave the Left men capable of resistance, but incapable of victory, hoping to dishonor us if we did not fight, and to shoot us if we did fight.
Nevertheless, no one hesitated. The deliberation began. Other representatives arrived every minute, Edgar Quinet, Doutre, Pelletier, Ca.s.sal, Bruckner, Baudin, Chauffour. The room was full, some were seated, most were standing, in confusion, but without tumult.
I was the first to speak.
I said that the struggle ought to be begun at once. Blow for blow.
That it was my opinion that the hundred and fifty Representatives of the Left should put on their scarves of office, should march in procession through the streets and the boulevards as far as the Madeleine, and crying "Vive la Republique! Vive la Const.i.tution!" should appear before the troops, and alone, calm and unarmed, should summon Might to obey Right. If the soldiers yielded, they should go to the a.s.sembly and make an end of Louis Bonaparte. If the soldiers fired upon their legislators, they should disperse throughout Paris, cry "To Arms," and resort to barricades. Resistance should be begun const.i.tutionally, and if that failed, should be continued revolutionarily. There was no time to be lost.
"High treason," said I, "should be seized red-handed, is a great mistake to suffer such an outrage to be accepted by the hours as they elapse.
Each minute which pa.s.ses is an accomplice, and endorses the crime.
Beware of that calamity called an "Accomplished fact." To arms!"
Many warmly supported this advice, among others Edgar Quinet, Pelletier, and Doutre.
Michel de Bourges seriously objected. My instinct was to begin at once, his advice was to wait and see. According to him there was danger in hastening the catastrophe. The _coup d"etat_ was organized, and the People were not. They had been taken unawares. We must not indulge in illusion. The ma.s.ses could not stir yet. Perfect calm reigned in the faubourgs; Surprise existed, yes; Anger, no. The people of Paris, although so intelligent, did not understand.
Michel added, "We are not in 1830. Charles X., in turning out the 221, exposed himself to this blow, the re-election of the 221. We are not in the same situation. The 221 were popular. The present a.s.sembly is not: a Chamber which has been insultingly dissolved is always sure to conquer, if the People support it. Thus the People rose in 1830. To-day they wait. They are dupes until they shall be victims." Michel de Bourges concluded, "The People must be given time to understand, to grow angry, to rise. As for us, Representative, we should be rash to precipitate the situation. If we were to march immediately straight upon the troops, we should only be shot to no purpose, and the glorious insurrection for Right would thus be beforehand deprived of its natural leaders--the Representatives of the People. We should decapitate the popular army.
Temporary delay, on the contrary, would be beneficial. Too much zeal must be guarded against, self-restraint is necessary, to give way would be to lose the battle before having begun it. Thus, for example, we must not attend the meeting announced by the Right for noon, all those who went there would be arrested. We must remain free, we must remain in readiness, we must remain calm, and must act waiting the advent of the People. Four days of this agitation without fighting would weary the army." Michel, however, advised a beginning, but simply by placarding Article 68 of the Const.i.tution. But where should a printer be found?
Michel de Bourges spoke with an experience of revolutionary procedure which was wanting in me. For many years past he had acquired a certain practical knowledge of the ma.s.ses. His council was wise. It must be added that all the information which came to us seconded him, and appeared conclusive against me. Paris was dejected.