[Footnote 391: Bohun"s Autobiography.]

[Footnote 392: Bohun"s Autobiography; Commons" Journals, Jan. 20.

1692/3.]

[Footnote 393: Ibid. Jan. 20, 21. 1692/3]

[Footnote 394: Oldmixon; Narcissus Luttrell"s Diary, Nov. and Dec. 1692; Burnet, ii. 334; Bohun"s Autobiography.]

[Footnote 395: Grey"s Debates; Commons" Journals Jan. 21. 23. 1692/3.; Bohun"s Autobiography; Kennet"s Life and Reign of King William and Queen Mary.]

[Footnote 396: "Most men pitying the Bishop."--Bohun"s Autobiography.]

[Footnote 397: The vote of the Commons is mentioned, with much feeling in the memoirs which Burnet wrote at the time. "It look"d," he says, "somewhat extraordinary that I, who perhaps was the greatest a.s.sertor of publick liberty, from my first setting out, of any writer of the age, should be so severely treated as an enemy to it. But the truth was the Toryes never liked me, and the Whiggs hated me because I went not into their notions and pa.s.sions. But even this, and worse things that may happen to me shall not, I hope, be able to make me depart from moderate principles and the just a.s.serting the liberty of mankind."--Burnet MS.

Harl. 6584.]

[Footnote 398: Commons" Journals, Feb. 27. 1692/3; Lords" Journals, Mar.

4.]

[Footnote 399: Lords" Journals, March 8. 1692/3.]

[Footnote 400: In the article on Blount in the Biographia Britannica he is extolled as having borne a princ.i.p.al share in the emanc.i.p.ation of the press. But the writer was very imperfectly informed as to the facts.

It is strange that the circ.u.mstances of Blount"s death should be so uncertain. That he died of a wound inflicted by his own hand, and that he languished long, are undisputed facts. The common story was that he shot himself; and Narcissus Luttrell at the time, made an entry to this effect in his Diary. On the other hand, Pope, who had the very best opportunities of obtaining accurate information, a.s.serts that Blount, "being in love with a near kinswoman of his, and rejected, gave himself a stab in the arm, as pretending to kill himself, of the consequence of which he really died."--Note on the Epilogue to the Satires, Dialogue I.

Warburton, who had lived first with the heroes of the Dunciad, and then with the most eminent men of letters of his time ought to have known the truth; and Warburton, by his silence, confirms Pope"s a.s.sertion.

Gildon"s rhapsody about the death of his friend will suit either story equally.]

[Footnote 401: The charges brought against Coningsby will be found in the journals of the two Houses of the English Parliament. Those charges were, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, versified by Prior, whom Coningsby had treated with great insolence and harshness. I will quote a few stanzas.

It will be seen that the poet condescended to imitate the style of the street ballads.

"Of Nero tyrant, petty king, Who heretofore did reign In famed Hibernia, I will sing, And in a ditty plain.

"The articles recorded stand Against this peerless peer; Search but the archives of the land, You"ll find them written there."

The story of Gaffney is then related. Coningsby"s speculations are described thus:

"Vast quant.i.ties of stores did he Embezzle and purloin Of the King"s stores he kept a key, Converting them to coin.

"The forfeited estates also, Both real and personal, Did with the stores together go.

Fierce Cerberas swallow"d all."

The last charge is the favour shown the Roman Catholics:

"Nero, without the least disguise, The Papists at all times Still favour"d, and their robberies Look"d on as trivial crimes.

"The Protestants whom they did rob During his government, Were forced with patience, like good Job, To rest themselves content.

"For he did basely them refuse All legal remedy; The Romans still he well did use, Still screen"d their roguery."]

[Footnote 402: An Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland, 1692, London, 1693.]

[Footnote 403: The Poynings Act is 10 H. 7. c. 4. It was explained by another Act, 3&4P.and M.c. [4].]

[Footnote 404: The history of this session I have taken from the journals of the Irish Lords and Commons, from the narratives laid in writing before the English Lords and Commons by members of the Parliament of Ireland and from a pamphlet ent.i.tled a Short Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland, 1692, London, 1693. Burnet seems to me to have taken a correct view of the dispute, ii. 118. "The English in Ireland thought the government favoured the Irish too much; some said this was the effect of bribery, whereas others thought it was necessary to keep them safe from the prosecutions of the English, who hated them, and were much sharpened against them.... There were also great complaints of an ill administration, chiefly in the revenue, in the pay of the army, and in the embezzling of stores."]

[Footnote 405: As to Swift"s extraction and early life, see the Anecdotes written by himself.]

[Footnote 406: Journal to Stella, Letter liii.]

[Footnote 407: See Swift"s Letter to Temple of Oct. 6. 1694.]

[Footnote 408: Journal to Stella, Letter xix.;]

[Footnote 409: Swift"s Anecdotes.]

[Footnote 410: London Gazette, March 27. 1693.]

[Footnote 411: Burnet, ii. 108, and Speaker Onslow"s Note; Sprat"s True Account of the Horrid Conspiracy; Letter to Trenchard, 1694.]

[Footnote 412: Burnett, ii. 107.]

[Footnote 413: These rumours are more than once mentioned in Narcissus Luttrell"s Diary.]

[Footnote 414: London Gazette, March 27. 1693; Narcissus Luttrell"s Diary:]

[Footnote 415: Burnett, ii, 123.; Carstairs Papers.]

[Footnote 416: Register of the Actings or Proceedings of the General a.s.sembly of the Church of Scotland held at Edinburgh, Jan. 15. 1692, collected and extracted from the Records by the Clerk thereof. This interesting record was printed for the first time in 1852.]

[Footnote 417: Act. Parl. Scot., June 12. 1693.]

[Footnote 418: Ibid. June 15. 1693.]

[Footnote 419: The editor of the Carstairs Papers was evidently very desirous, from whatever motive, to disguise this most certain and obvious truth. He has therefore prefixed to some of Johnstone"s letters descriptions which may possibly impose on careless readers. For example Johnstone wrote to Carstairs on the 18th of April, before it was known that the session would be a quiet one, "All arts have been used and will be used to embroil matters." The editor"s account of the contents of this letter is as follows:

"Arts used to embroil matters with reference to the affair of Glencoe."

Again, Johnstone, in a letter written some weeks later, complained that the liberality and obsequiousness of the Estates had not been duly appreciated. "Nothing," he says, "is to be done to gratify the Parliament, I mean that they would have reckoned a gratification."

The editor"s account of the contents of this letter is as follows: "Complains that the Parliament is not to be gratified by an inquiry into the ma.s.sacre of Glencoe."]

[Footnote 420: Life of James, ii. 479.]

[Footnote 421: Hamilton"s Zeneyde.]

[Footnote 422: A View of the Court of St. Germains from the Year 1690 to 1695, 1696; Ratio Ultima, 1697. In the Nairne Papers is a letter in which the nonjuring bishops are ordered to send a Protestant divine to Saint Germains. This letter was speedily followed by another letter revoking the order. Both letters will be found in Macpherson"s collection. They both bear date Oct. 16. 1693. I suppose that the first letter was dated according to the New Style and the letter of revocation according to the Old Style.]

[Footnote 423: Ratio Ultima, 1697; History of the late Parliament, 1699.]

[Footnote 424: View of the Court of Saint Germains from 1690 to 1695.

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