But to judge the matter rightly, we must take into view the actual position of the Jews at that time. Far from forming an integral part of the commonwealth, they were regarded as alien to it, as a mere excrescence, which, so far from contributing to the healthful action of the body politic, was nourished by its vicious humors, and might be lopped off at any time, when the health of the system demanded it. Far from being protected by the laws, the only aim of the laws, in reference to them, was to define more precisely their civil incapacities, and to draw the line of division more broadly between them and the Christians. Even this humiliation by no means satisfied the national prejudices, as is evinced by the great number of tumults and ma.s.sacres of which they were the victims. In these circ.u.mstances, it seemed to be no great a.s.sumption of authority, to p.r.o.nounce sentence of exile against those whom public opinion had so long proscribed as enemies to the state. It was only carrying into effect that opinion, expressed as it had been in a great variety of ways; and, as far as the rights of the nation were concerned, the banishment of a single Spaniard would have been held a grosser violation of them, than that of the whole race of Israelites.
It has been common with modern historians to detect a princ.i.p.al motive for the expulsion of the Jews, in the avarice of the government. It is only necessary, however, to transport ourselves back to those times, to find it in perfect accordance with their spirit, at least in Spain. It is indeed incredible, that persons possessing the political sagacity of Ferdinand and Isabella could indulge a temporary cupidity at the sacrifice of the most important and permanent interests, converting their wealthiest districts into a wilderness, and dispeopling them of a cla.s.s of citizens who contributed beyond all others, not only to the general resources, but the direct revenues of the crown; a measure so manifestly unsound, as to lead even a barbarian monarch of that day to exclaim, "Do they call this Ferdinand a politic prince, who can thus impoverish his own kingdom and enrich ours!" [16] It would seem, indeed, when the measure had been determined on, that the Aragonese monarch was willing, by his expedient of sequestration, to control its operation in such a manner as to secure to his own subjects the full pecuniary benefit of it. [17] No imputation of this kind attaches to Castile. The clause of the ordinance, which might imply such a design, by interdicting the exportation of gold and silver, was only enforcing a law, which had been already twice enacted by cortes in the present reign, and which was deemed of such moment, that the offence was made capital. [18]
We need look no further for the principle of action, in this case, than the spirit of religious bigotry, which led to a similar expulsion of the Jews from England, France, and other parts of Europe, as well as from Portugal, under circ.u.mstances of peculiar atrocity, a few years later.
[19] Indeed, the spirit of persecution did not expire with the fifteenth century, but extended far into the more luminous periods of the seventeenth and eighteenth; and that, too, under a ruler of the enlarged capacity of Frederic the Great, whose intolerance could not plead in excuse the blindness of fanaticism. [20] How far the banishment of the Jews was conformable to the opinions of the most enlightened contemporaries, may be gathered from the encomiums lavished on its authors from more than one quarter. Spanish writers, without exception, celebrate it as a sublime sacrifice of all temporal interests to religious principle. The best instructed foreigners, in like manner, however they may condemn the details of its execution, or commiserate the sufferings of the Jews, commend the act, as evincing the most lively and laudable zeal for the true faith. [21]
It cannot be denied, that Spain at this period surpa.s.sed most of the nations of Christendom in religious enthusiasm, or, to speak more correctly, in bigotry. This is doubtless imputable to the long war with the Moslems, and its recent glorious issue, which swelled every heart with exultation, disposing it to consummate the triumphs of the Cross by purging the land from a heresy, which, strange as it may seem, was scarcely less detested than that of Mahomet. Both the sovereigns partook largely of these feelings. With regard to Isabella, moreover, it must be borne constantly in mind, as has been repeatedly remarked in the course of this History, that she had been used to surrender her own judgment, in matters of conscience, to those spiritual guardians, who were supposed in that age to be its rightful depositaries, and the only casuists who could safely determine the doubtful line of duty. Isabella"s pious disposition, and her trembling solicitude to discharge her duty, at whatever cost of personal inclination, greatly enforced the precepts of education. In this way, her very virtues became the source of her errors. Unfortunately, she lived in an age and station, which attached to these errors the most momentous consequences. [22]--But we gladly turn from these dark prospects to a brighter page of her history.
FOOTNOTES
[1] It is a proof of the high consideration in which such Israelites as were willing to embrace Christianity were held, that three of that number, Alvarez, Avila, and Pulgar, were private secretaries of the queen. (Mem.
de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Il.u.s.t. 18.)
An incidental expression of Martyr"s, among many similar ones by contemporaries, affords the true key to the popular odium against the Jews. "c.u.m namque viderent, Judaeorum tabido commercio, qui hac hora sunt in Hispania _innumeri Christianis ditiores_, plurimorum animos corrumpi ac seduci," etc. Opus Epist., epist. 92.
[2] Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, p. 164.--Llorente, Hist. de l"Inquisition, tom. i. cap. 7, sec. 3.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist.
94.--Ferreras, Hist. d"Espagne, tom. viii. p. 128.
[3] Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, p. 163.
Salazar de Mendoza refers the sovereign"s consent to the banishment of the Jews, in a great measure, to the urgent remonstrances of the cardinal of Spain. The bigotry of the biographer makes him claim the credit of every fanatical act for his ill.u.s.trious hero. See Cron. del Gran Cardenal, p.
250.
[4] Llorente, Hist. de l"Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 7, sect. 5.
Pulgar, in a letter to the cardinal of Spain, animadverting with much severity on the tenor of certain munic.i.p.al ordinances against the Jews in Guipuscoa and Toledo, in 1482, plainly intimates, that they were not at all to the taste of the queen. See Letras, (Amstelodami, 1670,) let. 31.
[5] Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1492.--Recep. de las Leyes, lib. 8, t.i.t. 2, ley 2.--Pragmaticas del Reyno, ed. 1520, fol. 3.
[6] The Curate of Los Palacios speaks of several Israelites worth one or two millions of maravedies, and another even as having ama.s.sed ten. He mentions one in particular, by the name of Abraham, as renting the _greater part of Castile_! It will hardly do to take the good Curate"s statement _a la lettre_. See Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 112.
[7] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, ubi supra.
[8] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 10.--Zurita, a.n.a.los, tom. v.
fol. 9.
Capmany notices the number of synagogues existing in Aragon, in 1428, as amounting to nineteen. In Galicia at the same time there were but three, and in Catalonia but one. See Mem. de Barcelona, tom. iv. Apend. num. 11.
[9] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 10, 113.--Ferreras, Hist.
d"Espagne, tom. viii. p. 131.
[10] Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. v. fol. 9.--Ferreras, Hist. d"Espagne, tom.
viii. p. 133.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, ubi supra.--La Clede, Hist. de Portugal, tom. iv. p. 95.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. p. 602.
[11] Ferreras, Hist. d"Espagne, tom. viii. p. 133.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 113.
[12] Senarega, apud Muratori, Rerum Ital. Script., tom. xxiv. pp. 531, 532.
[13] See a sensible notice of Hebrew literature in Spain, in the Retrospective Review, vol. iii. p. 209.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom.
ii. lib. 26, cap. 1.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. v. fol. 9.
Not a few of the learned exiles attained to eminence in those countries of Europe where they transferred their residence. One is mentioned by Castro as a leading pract.i.tioner of medicine in Genoa; another, as filling the posts of astronomer and chronicler, under King Emanuel of Portugal. Many of them published works in various departments of science, which were translated into the Spanish and other European languages. Biblioteca Espanola, tom. i. pp. 359-372.
[14] From a curious doc.u.ment in the _Archives of Simancas_, consisting of a report made to the Spanish sovereigns by their accountant general, Quintanilla, in 1492, it would appear, that the population of the kingdom of Castile, exclusive of Granada, was then estimated at 1,500,000 _vecinos_, or householders. (See Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., Apend.
no. 12.) This, allowing four and a half to a family, would make the whole population 6,750,000. It appears from the statement of Bernaldez, that the kingdom of Castile contained five-sixths of the whole amount of Jews in the Spanish monarchy. This proportion, if 800,000 be received as the total, would amount in round numbers to 670,000, or ten per cent, of the whole population of the kingdom. Now, it is manifestly improbable that so large a portion of the whole nation, conspicuous moreover for wealth and intelligence, could have been held so light in a political aspect, as the Jews certainly were, or have tamely submitted for so many years to the most wanton indignities without resistance; or finally, that the Spanish government would have ventured on so bold a measure as the banishment of so numerous and powerful a cla.s.s, and that too with as few precautions, apparently, as would be required for driving out of the country a roving gang of gypsies.
[15] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 110.--Llorente, Hist. de l"Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 7, sect. 7.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom.
ii. lib. 26.--Zurita, a.n.a.les, tom. v. fol. 9.
[16] Bajazet. See Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. p. 310.--Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, p. 168.
[17] "In truth," Father Abarca somewhat innocently remarks, "King Ferdinand was a politic Christian, making the interests of church and state mutually subservient to each other"! Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol.
310.
[18] Once at Toledo, 1480, and at Murcia, 1488. See Recop. de las Leyes, lib. 6, t.i.t. 18, ley 1.
[19] The Portuguese government caused all children of fourteen years of age, or under, to be taken from their parents and retained in the country, as fit subjects for a Christian education. The distress occasioned by this cruel provision may be well imagined. Many of the unhappy parents murdered their children to defeat the ordinance; and many laid violent hands on themselves. Faria y Sousa coolly remarks, that "It was a great mistake in King Emanuel to think of converting any Jew to Christianity, old enough to p.r.o.nounce the name of Moses!" He fixes three years of age as the utmost limit. (Europa Portuguesa, tom. ii. p. 496.)
Mr. Turner has condensed, with his usual industry, the most essential chronological facts relative to modern Jewish history, into a note contained in the second volume of his History of England, pp. 114-120.
[20] They were also rejected from Vienna, in 1669. The illiberal, and indeed most cruel legislation of Frederic II., in reference to his Jewish subjects, transports us back to the darkest periods of the Visigothic monarchy. The reader will find a summary of these enactments in the third volume of Milman"s agreeable History of the Jews.
[21] The accomplished and amiable Florentine, Pico di Mirandola, in his treatise on Judicial Astrology, remarks that, "the sufferings of the Jews, _in which the glory of divine justice delighted_, were so extreme as to fill us Christians with commiseration." The Genoese historian, Senarega, indeed admits that the measure savored _of some slight degree of cruelty_. "Res haec primo conspectu laudabilis visa est, quia decus nostrae Religionis respiceret, sed aliquantulum in se crudelitatis continere, si eos non belluas, sed homines a Deo creatos, consideravimus."
De Rebus Genuensibus, apud Muratori, Rerum Ital. Script., tom. xxiv.-- Illescas, Hist. Pontif., apud Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, p. 167.
[22] Llorente sums up his account of the expulsion, by a.s.signing the following motives to the princ.i.p.al agents in the business. "The measure,"
he says, "may be referred to the fanaticism of Torquemada, to the avarice and superst.i.tion of Ferdinand, to the false ideas and inconsiderate zeal with which they had inspired Isabella, to whom history cannot refuse the praise of great sweetness of disposition, and an enlightened mind." Hist.
de l"Inquisition, tom. i. ch. 7, sec. 10.
CHAPTER XVIII.
ATTEMPTED a.s.sa.s.sINATION OF FERDINAND.--RETURN AND SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.
1492-1493.
Attempt on Ferdinand"s Life.--Consternation and Loyalty of the People.-- Return of Columbus.--His Progress to Barcelona.--Interviews with the Sovereigns.--Sensations caused by the Discovery.--Regulations of Trade.-- Conversion of the Natives.--Famous Bulls of Alexander VI.--Jealousy of Portugal.--Second Voyage of Columbus.--Treaty of Tordesillas.
Towards the latter end of May, 1492, the Spanish sovereigns quitted Granada, between which and Santa Fe they had divided their time since the surrender of the Moorish metropolis. They were occupied during the two following months with the affairs of Castile. In August they visited Aragon, proposing to establish their winter residence there in order to provide for its internal administration, and conclude the negotiations for the final surrender of Roussillon and Cerdagne by France, to which these provinces had been mortgaged by Ferdinand"s father, John the Second; proving ever since a fruitful source of diplomacy, which threatened more than once to terminate in open rupture.
Ferdinand and Isabella arrived in Aragon on the 8th of August, accompanied by Prince John and the infantas, and a brilliant train of Castilian n.o.bles. In their progress through the country they were everywhere received with the most lively enthusiasm. The whole nation seemed to abandon itself to jubilee, at the approach of its ill.u.s.trious sovereigns, whose heroic constancy had rescued Spain from the detested empire of the Saracens. After devoting some months to the internal police of the kingdom, the court transferred its residence to Catalonia, whose capital it reached about the middle of October. During its detention in this place, Ferdinand"s career was wellnigh brought to an untimely close. [1]
It was a good old custom of Catalonia, long since fallen into desuetude, for the monarch to preside in the tribunals of justice, at least once a week, for the purpose of determining the suits of the poorer cla.s.ses especially, who could not afford the more expensive forms of litigation.
King Ferdinand, in conformity with this usage, held a court in the house of deputation, on the 7th of December, being the vigil of the conception of the Virgin. At noon, as he was preparing to quit the palace, after the conclusion of business, he lingered in the rear of his retinue, conversing with some of the officers of the court. As the party was issuing from a little chapel contiguous to the royal saloon, and just as the king was descending a flight of stairs, a ruffian darted from an obscure recess in which he had concealed himself early in the morning, and aimed a blow with a short sword, or knife, at the back of Ferdinand"s neck. Fortunately the edge of the weapon was turned by a gold chain or collar which he was in the habit of wearing. It inflicted, however, a deep wound between the shoulders. Ferdinand instantly cried out, "St. Mary preserve us! treason, treason!" and his attendants, rushing on the a.s.sa.s.sin, stabbed him in three places with their poniards, and would have despatched him on the spot, had not the king, with his usual presence of mind, commanded them to desist, and take the man alive, that they might ascertain the real authors of the conspiracy. This was done accordingly, and Ferdinand, fainting with loss of blood, was carefully removed to his apartments in the royal palace. [2]