[17] Salazar de Mendoza, Cron. del Gran Cardenal, lib. 2, cap. 63.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 4.--Suma de la Vida de Cisneros, MS.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 12.
[18] Flechier, Hist. de Ximenes, pp. 18, 19.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 108.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, ubi supra.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
[19] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 108.
"Praeterea," says Martyr, in a letter to Don Fernando Alvarez, one of the royal secretaries, "nonne tu sanotissimum quendam virum a, solitudine abstrusisque silvis, macie ob abstinentiam confectum, relicti Granatensis loco fuisse suffactum, script.i.tasti? In istius facie obdncta, nonne Hilarionis te imaginem aut primi Pauli vultum conspexisse fateris?" Opus Epist., epist. 105.
[20] "Todos hablaban," says Oviedo, "de la sanctimonia e vida de este religioso." The same writer says, that he saw him at Medina del Campo, in 1494, in a solemn procession, on the day of Corpus Christi, his body much emaciated, and walking barefooted in his coa.r.s.e friar"s dress. In the same procession was the magnificent cardinal of Spain, little dreaming how soon his proud honors were to descend on the head of his more humble companion.
Quincuagenas, MS.
[21] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 201.--Suma de la Vida de Cisneros, MS.--Mosheim, Ecclesiastical History, vol. iii. cent. 14, p. 2.
--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 163.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 165.--Oviedo, Epilogo Real, Imperial y Pontifical, MS., apud Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Il.u.s.t. 8.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 3, cap. 15.
[22] Flechier, Hist. de Ximenes, pp. 25, 26.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, pp.
21, 22.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 6, 7.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap.
12.
[23] Flechier, Hist. de Ximenes, p. 25.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 1, cap. ll.--Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Il.u.s.t. 8--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, ubi supra.
[24] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 1.--Ferdinand and Isabella annexed the dignity of high chancellor in perpetuity to that of archbishop of Toledo. It seems, however, at least in later times, to have been a mere honorary t.i.tle. (Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. 2, cap. 8.) The revenues of the archbishopric at the beginning of the sixteenth century amounted to 80,000 ducats, (Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 9.--L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 23,) equivalent to about 702,200 dollars at the present day. See Introd., Sect. I. Note 63, of this History.
[25] "De mas desto," says Lucio Marineo, "tenia por costumbre que quando avia de dar alguna dignidad, o obispado, mas mirava en virtud, honestidad, y sciencia de las personas, que las riquezas, y generosidad, aun que fuessen sus deudos. Lo qual fue causa que muchos de los que hablavan poco, y tenian los cabellos mas cortos que las cejas; comenparon a traer los ojos baxos mirando la tierra, y andar con mas gravedad, y hazer mejor vida, zimulando por venture algunos mas la virtud, que exercitando la."
(Cosas Memorables, fol. 182.) "L"hypocrisie est l"hommage que le vice rend a la vertu." The maxim is now somewhat stale, like most others of its profound author.
[26] Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 1, cap. 16.--Salazar de Mendoza, Cron.
del Gran Cardenal, lib. 2, cap. 65. This prelate was at this time only twenty-four years of age. He had been raised to the see of Saragossa when only six. This strange abuse of preferring infants to the highest dignities of the church seems to have prevailed in Castile as well as Aragon; for the tombs of five archdeacons might be seen in the church of Madre de Dios at Toledo, in Salazar"s time, whose united ages amounted only to thirty years. See Cron. del Gran Cardenal, ubi supra.
[27] Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 4.--Mariana, Hist. de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 26, cap. 7.--Suma de la Vida de Cisneros, MS.-- Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 1, cap. 16.--Gomez, De rebus Gestis, fol.
11.--Carbajal, a.n.a.les, MS., ano 1495.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13.-- Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
[28] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 11.
[29] Ibid., ubi supra.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13, 14.
[30] "He kept five or six friars of his order," says Gonzalo de Oviedo, "in his palace with him, and as many a.s.ses in his stables; but the latter all grew sleek and fat, for the archbishop would not ride himself, nor allow his brethren to ride either." Quincuagenas, MS.
[31] Suma de la Vida de Cisneros, MS.--Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 2, cap. 8, 9.--Gomez, de Rebus Gestis, fol. 12.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.-- Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13.
[32] Gomez de Rebus Gestis, fol. 16. The Venetian minister Navagiero, noticing the condition of the canons of Toledo, some few years later, celebrates them, as "lording it above all others in their own city, being especial favorites with the ladies, dwelling in stately mansions, pa.s.sing, in short, the most agreeable lives in the world, without any one to trouble them." Viaggio, fol. 9.
[33] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 17.
[34] Quintanilla, Archetype, pp. 22, 23.--Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom.
vi. p. 201.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 3, cap. 15.
[35] "Trataba las monjas," say Riol, "con un agrado y amor tan carinoso, que las robaba los corazones, y hecha duena de ellas, las persuadia non suavidad y eficacia a que votasen clausura. Y es cosa admirable, que raro fue el conventu donde entro esta celebre heroina, donde no lograse en el propio dia el efecto de su santo deseo." Informe, apud Semanario Erudito, tom. iii. p. 110.
[36] Flechier, Hist. de Ximenes, pp. 56, 58.--Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol.
14.--Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, lib. 3, cap. 15.--Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13.
[37] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 23.--Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 1, cap. 11.
[38] Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 1, cap. 13-14.--Riol discusses the various monastic reforms effected by Ximenes, in his Memorial to Philip V., apud Semanario Erudito, tom. iii. pp. 102-110.
[39] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 165.--Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 201.--et al.
[40] The practice of concubinage by the clergy was fully recognized, and the ancient _fueros_ of Castile permitted their issue to inherit the estates of such parents as died intestate. (See Marina, Ensayo Historico- Critico sobre la Antigua Legislacion de Castilla, (Madrid, 1808,) p. 154.) The effrontery of these legalized strumpets, _barraganas_, as they were called, was at length so intolerable as to call for repeated laws, regulating their apparel, and prescribing a badge for distinguishing them from honest women. (Sempere, Hist. del Luxo, tom. i. pp. 165-169.) Spain is probably the only country in Christendom, where concubinage was ever sanctioned by law; a circ.u.mstance doubtless imputable, in some measure, to the influence of the Mahometans.
[41] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 23.
CHAPTER VI.
XIMENES IN GRANADA--PERSECUTION, INSURRECTION, AND CONVERSION OF THE MOORS.
1499-1500.
Tranquil State of Granada.--Mild Policy of Talavera.--Clergy Dissatisfied with it.--Violent Measures of Ximenes.--His Fanaticism.--Its Mischievous Effects.--Insurrection in Granada.--Tranquillity Restored.--Baptism of the Inhabitants.
Moral energy, or constancy of purpose, seems to be less properly an independent power of the mind than a mode of action, by which its various powers operate with effect. But, however this may be, it enters more largely, perhaps, than mere talent, as commonly understood, into the formation of what is called character, and is often confounded by the vulgar with talent of the highest order. In the ordinary concerns of life, indeed, it is more serviceable than brilliant parts; while, in the more important, these latter are of little weight without it, evaporating only in brief and barren flashes, which may dazzle the eye by their splendor, but pa.s.s away and are forgotten.
The importance of moral energy is felt not only, where it would be expected, in the concerns of active life, but in those more exclusively of an intellectual character, in deliberative a.s.semblies, for example, where talent, as usually understood, might be supposed to a.s.sert an absolute supremacy, but where it is invariably made to bend to the controlling influence of this principle. No man dest.i.tute of it can be the leader of a party; while there are few leaders, probably, who do not number in their ranks minds from which they would be compelled to shrink in a contest for purely intellectual pre-eminence.
This energy of purpose presents itself in a yet more imposing form when stimulated by some intense pa.s.sion, as ambition, or the n.o.bler principle of patriotism or religion; when the soul, spurning vulgar considerations of interest, is ready to do and to dare all for conscience" sake; when, insensible alike to all that this world can give or take away, it loosens itself from the gross ties which bind it to earth, and, however humble its powers in every other point of view, attains a grandeur and elevation, which genius alone, however gifted, can never reach.
But it is when a.s.sociated with exalted genius, and under the action of the potent principles above mentioned, that this moral energy conveys an image of power, which approaches, nearer than anything else on earth, to that of a divine intelligence. It is, indeed, such agents that Providence selects for the accomplishment of those great revolutions, by which the world is shaken to its foundations, new and more beautiful systems created, and the human mind carried forward at a single stride, in the career of improvement, further than it had advanced for centuries. It must, indeed, be confessed, that this powerful agency is sometimes for evil, as well as for good. It is this same impulse, which spurs guilty Ambition along his b.l.o.o.d.y track, and which arms the hand of the patriot sternly to resist him; which glows with holy fervor in the bosom of the martyr, and which lights up the fires of persecution, by which he is to win his crown of glory. The direction of the impulse, differing in the same individual under different circ.u.mstances, can alone determine whether he shall be the scourge or the benefactor of his species.
These reflections have been suggested by the character of the extraordinary person brought forward in the preceding chapter, Ximenes de Cisneros, and the new and less advantageous aspect, in which he must now appear to the reader. Inflexible constancy of purpose formed, perhaps, the most prominent trait of his remarkable character. What direction it might have received under other circ.u.mstances it is impossible to say. It would be no great stretch of fancy to imagine, that the unyielding spirit, which in its early days could voluntarily endure years of imprisonment, rather than submit to an act of ecclesiastical oppression, might under similar influences have been aroused, like Luther"s, to shake down the ancient pillars of Catholicism, instead of lending all its strength to uphold them. The latter position, however, would seem better a.s.similated to the const.i.tution of his mind, whose sombre enthusiasm naturally prepared him for the vague and mysterious in the Romish faith, as his inflexible temper did for its bold and arrogant dogmas. At any rate, it was to this cause he devoted the whole strength of his talents and commanding energies.
We have seen, in the preceding chapter, with what promptness he entered on the reform of religious discipline, as soon as he came into office, and with what pertinacity he pursued it, in contempt of all personal interest and popularity. We are now to see him with similar zeal devoting himself to the extirpation of heresy; with contempt not merely of personal consequences, but also of the most obvious principles of good faith and national honor.
Nearly eight years had elapsed since the conquest of Granada, and the subjugated kingdom continued to repose in peaceful security under the shadow of the treaty, which guaranteed the unmolested enjoyment of its ancient laws and religion. This unbroken continuance of public tranquillity, especially difficult to be maintained among the jarring elements of the capital, whose motley population of Moors, renegades, and Christians suggested perpetual points of collision, must be chiefly referred to the discreet and temperate conduct of the two individuals whom Isabella had charged with the civil and ecclesiastical government. These were Mendoza, count of Tendilla, and Talavera, archbishop of Granada.
The former, the brightest ornament of his ill.u.s.trious house, has been before made known to the reader by his various important services, both military and diplomatic. Immediately after the conquest of Granada he was made alcayde and captain general of the kingdom, a post for which he was every way qualified by his prudence, firmness, enlightened views, and long experience. [1]
The latter personage, of more humble extraction, [2] was Fray Fernando de Talavera, a Hieronymite monk, who, having been twenty years prior of the monastery of Santa Maria del Prado, near Valladolid, was made confessor of Queen Isabella, and afterwards of the king. This situation necessarily gave him considerable influence in all public measures. If the keeping of the royal conscience could be safely intrusted to any one, it might certainly be to this estimable prelate, equally distinguished for his learning, amiable manners, and unblemished piety; and, if his character was somewhat tainted with bigotry, it was in so mild a form, so far tempered by the natural benevolence of his disposition, as to make a favorable contrast to the dominant spirit of the time. [3]
After the conquest, he exchanged the bishopric of Avila for the archiepiscopal see of Granada. Notwithstanding the wishes of the sovereigns, he refused to accept any increase of emolument in this new and more exalted station. His revenues, indeed, which amounted to two millions of maravedies annually, were somewhat less than he before enjoyed. [4] The greater part of this sum he liberally expended on public improvements and works of charity; objects, which, to their credit be it spoken, have rarely failed to engage a large share of the attention and resources of the higher Spanish clergy. [5]
The subject which pressed most seriously on the mind of the good archbishop, was the conversion of the Moors, whose spiritual blindness he regarded with feelings of tenderness and charity, very different from those entertained by most of his reverend brethren. He proposed to accomplish this by the most rational method possible. Though late in life, he set about learning Arabic, that he might communicate with the Moors in their own language, and commanded his clergy to do the same. [6] He caused an Arabic vocabulary, grammar, and catechism to be compiled; and a version in the same tongue to be made of the liturgy, comprehending the selections from the Gospels; and proposed to extend this at some future time to the whole body of the Scriptures. [7] Thus unsealing the sacred oracles which had been hitherto shut out from their sight, he opened to them the only true sources of Christian knowledge; and, by endeavoring to effect their conversion through the medium of their understandings, instead of seducing their imaginations with a vain show of ostentatious ceremonies, proposed the only method by which conversion could be sincere and permanent.
These wise and benevolent measures of the good prelate, recommended, as they were, by the most exemplary purity of life, acquired him great authority among the Moors, who, estimating the value of the doctrine by its fruits, were well inclined to listen to it, and numbers were daily added to the church. [8]
The progress of proselytism, however, was necessarily slow and painful among a people reared from the cradle, not merely in antipathy to, but abhorrence of, Christianity; who were severed from the Christian community by strong dissimilarity of language, habits, and inst.i.tutions; and now indissolubly knit together by a common sense of national misfortune. Many of the more zealous clergy and religious persons, conceiving, indeed, this barrier altogether insurmountable, were desirous of seeing it swept away at once by the strong arm of power. They represented to the sovereigns, that it seemed like insensibility to the goodness of Providence, which had delivered the infidels into their hands, to allow them any longer to usurp the fair inheritance of the Christians, and that the whole of the stiff- necked race of Mahomet might justly be required to submit without exception to instant baptism, or to sell their estates and remove to Africa. This, they maintained, could be scarcely regarded as an infringement of the treaty, since the Moors would be so great gainers on the score of their eternal salvation; to say nothing of the indispensableness of such a measure to the permanent tranquillity and security of the kingdom. [9]