In 1912 came the division in Republican ranks and the forming of the Progressive party, headed by former President Theodore Roosevelt, which made woman suffrage one of the princ.i.p.al planks in its platform, and for the first time it took a place among the other political issues. The Republican party so long in power was defeated. Woman suffrage never had received any special a.s.sistance from this party during its long regime but the entire situation had now changed. The National a.s.sociation appointed a Congressional Committee of young, energetic women headed by Miss Alice Paul, a university graduate with experience in civic work in this country and England. They arranged an immense suffrage parade in which women from many States partic.i.p.ated.
It took place in Washington March 3, 1913, the day before the inauguration of Woodrow Wilson, and the new administration entered into office with a broader idea of the strength of the movement than its predecessor had possessed. An extra session was soon called and Senate and House Resolution Number One, introduced April 7, was for a Federal Woman Suffrage Amendment. The chairmanship of the new Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage, instead of being filled as usual by an opponent, was given to Senator Charles S. Thomas (Dem.) of Colorado, always an ardent suffragist, and a friendly committee was appointed--Robert L. Owen (Okla.); Henry F. Ashurst (Ariz.); Joseph E.
Ransdell (La.); Henry P. Hollis, (N. H.); George Sutherland (Utah); Wesley L. Jones (Wash.); Moses E. Clapp (Minn.); Thomas B. Catron (N.
M.). There were now eighteen members of the Senate with women const.i.tuents and several million women were eligible to vote, so that it was possible to bring a pressure which had never before existed.
Many of the large newspapers were declaring that the time had come for the submission of this amendment to the State Legislatures.
On May 3 a great suffrage procession took place in New York with a ma.s.s meeting in the Metropolitan Opera House addressed by Colonel Roosevelt, who made a ringing speech in favor of votes for women. On June 13 the Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage gave a unanimous favorable report, Senator Catron, the only opponent, not voting. On July 31 the resolution was discussed on the floor of the Senate, twenty-two speaking in favor and three in opposition. It had been referred to the Judiciary Committee in the Lower House, where resolutions also were introduced for the creation of a Committee on Woman Suffrage and referred to the Committee on Rules. During July pilgrimages of women came from different parts of the country and on the 31st a pet.i.tion with 200,000 signatures was presented to the Senate by 531 "pilgrims." Three deputations called on President Wilson asking his support of the amendment, one from the National American a.s.sociation, one from the National College Equal Suffrage League and one from the National Council of Women Voters, and in November a fourth from his own State of New Jersey. Congress remained in session all summer and ma.s.s suffrage meetings in theaters were held in Washington. The large corps of newspaper correspondents were constantly supplied with news. Countless suffrage meetings were held in Maryland, Virginia and all the way up to New York and the members were kept constantly informed of the activities in their own districts. On September 18 Senator Ashurst announced on the floor of the Senate that he would press the resolution to a vote at the earliest possible moment and Senator Andrieus A. Jones of New Mexico spoke in favor and asked for immediate action.
During the regular session in 1914 the resolution was discussed at different times and many strong speeches in favor were made. The Senate vote, which was taken on March 19, stood, ayes, 35; noes, 34; lacking eleven of a necessary two-thirds majority. Twenty Republicans, one Progressive and fourteen Democrats voted aye; twelve Republicans and twenty-two Democrats voted no; ten Republicans and sixteen Democrats were absent. For the first time southern Senators declared in favor of giving suffrage to women by amending the National Const.i.tution--Senators Owen, Ransdell, Luke Lea of Tennessee and Morris Sheppard of Texas voting in the affirmative.
For a trial vote this was considered satisfactory. The effort in the Lower House was not so successful. Its Judiciary Committee had been continuously opposed to allowing the amendment to reach the Representatives, but two favorable majority reports having been made in the thirty-six years during which the question had been before it (1883, 1890). A larger Congressional Committee had been formed by the National Suffrage a.s.sociation, of which the chairman was Mrs. Ruth Hanna McCormick, a daughter of former U. S. Senator Mark Hanna, who had inherited her father"s genius for constructive politics.
Headquarters were opened in the Munsey Building in Washington and the work was divided into three departments--Lobby, Publicity and Organization. Careful and systematic effort was made and it was followed by the Senate vote recorded above. A record was compiled of the votes of every member of Congress on prohibition, child labor and various humanitarian and welfare measures and sent to the women in his district for use in urging him to vote for the suffrage amendment.
Organizers were placed where needed to hold meetings and arrange for chairmen of counties who would cooperate with the national committee in bringing pressure on members from their own const.i.tuencies.
The Federal Amendment as usual was held up in the House Judiciary Committee in 1914. The suffrage leaders had tried for years to get a House Committee on Woman Suffrage, such as the Senate had. A resolution for this purpose had been introduced by Representative Edward T. Taylor of Colorado in April, 1913, referred to the Committee on Rules, an extended hearing granted, but no action taken. Mrs.
McCormick"s committee brought great pressure to bear and on Jan. 24, 1914, the question came before the Committee on Rules through a motion by Representative Irvine L. Lenroot (Wis.) to make a favorable report.
Eight of the eleven members were present and Martin D. Foster (Ills.), Philip P. Campbell (Kans.), and M. Clyde Kelly (Penn.) voted with Mr.
Lenroot; James C. Cantrill (Ky.), Finis J. Garrett (Tenn.), Edward W.
Pou (N. C.) and Thos. W. Hardwick (Ga.) voted in the negative, making a tie. Two of the absent members were known to be favorable and a Democratic caucus was called for February 3 to discuss the matter.
Just before it met the Democratic members of the Ways and Means Committee, who const.i.tute the ruling body of that party"s membership, met in the office of Representative Oscar W. Underwood (Ala.).
Representative John E. Raker (Cal.) offered a resolution for the creation of a Committee on Woman Suffrage. Representative J. Thomas Heflin (Ala.) moved a subst.i.tute: "Resolved, that it is the sense of this caucus that woman suffrage is a State and not a Federal question." It was carried by 123 ayes, 55 noes and further action blocked.
The House Judiciary Committee, after granting a hearing to the suffragists on March 3, 1914, voted to report the resolution for a Federal Amendment "without recommendation." At a meeting of the Rules Committee August 27 Representative Campbell moved that an opportunity be given to the House to vote on submitting this amendment.
Representatives Pou, Garrett and Cantrill voted to adjourn; Campbell, Kelly and Goldfogle (N. Y.) against it. Chairman Robert L. Henry (Texas) gave the deciding vote to adjourn.[137]
During this year of 1914, while such heroic efforts were being made to secure favorable action by Congress on a Federal Amendment and the workers were being told that they should look to the States for the suffrage, hard campaigns were carried on for this purpose in seven States. In only two, and those the most spa.r.s.ely settled--Montana and Nevada--were they successful. Even these had their influence, however, as they added four to the U. S. Senators who were elected partly by the votes of women. The National Suffrage a.s.sociation continued Mrs.
McCormick as chairman of its Congressional Committee and she increased her forces. Although the Judiciary Committee had reported the resolution for the Federal Amendment "without recommendation"
Representative Frank W. Mondell, who introduced it, and its other friends were determined to have a vote on it and a reluctant consent was obtained from the Committee on Rules. The Congressional Committee directed its fullest energies toward obtaining as large an affirmative vote as was possible. Through the courtesy of Speaker Champ Clark they learned who would be the probable speakers and carefully a.s.sorted literature was sent them. Thousands of letters and telegrams poured in upon the members from their const.i.tuencies. Every available pressure was used to obtain favorable votes and to have all the friends present. Mr. Mondell, the Republican leader, and Mr. Taylor, the Democratic, gave fullest support. The first debate on this amendment in the House of Representatives took place on Jan. 12, 1915, and lasted ten hours without intermission. At its conclusion the vote resulted in 174 ayes, 88 Republicans and Progressives, 86 Democrats; 204 noes, 33 Republicans and 171 Democrats. The affirmative vote was larger than expected. The suffragists had been thirty-seven years trying to secure a vote in the Lower House and they felt that this was the beginning which could have but one end.
Both the suffragists and the anti-suffragists now redoubled their efforts. The four big campaigns of 1915 in Ma.s.sachusetts New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania for suffrage amendments to their State const.i.tutions attracted the attention of the whole country. All failed of success at the November election but the effects were not wholly disastrous. The announcement by President Wilson and the majority of his Cabinet that they were in favor of woman suffrage brought many doubters into the fold. The two-thirds vote of Ma.s.sachusetts in opposition set that State aside as one in which women could only hope to gain the suffrage through a Federal Amendment. In New Jersey in one county alone thousands of votes were afterwards found to have been cast illegally and there was colossal fraud throughout the State, yet the law did not permit the question to be submitted again for five years. In Pennsylvania the amendment polled over 46 per cent of the whole vote cast on it and was defeated by the notoriously dishonest election practices of Philadelphia, but by the law of that State it could not be submitted again for four years. The facts thus disclosed converted many people to a belief in the necessity for an amendment to the National Const.i.tution.
In New York the measure had received 42-1/2 per cent. of the vote cast on it; in New Jersey 42 per cent. (by the returns), and the total vote in the four States of a million and a quarter for the amendments was indisputable evidence of the large sentiment for woman suffrage. The immense cost of these campaigns in time, labor and money made it seem more than ever necessary to bring about the short cut to the universal enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of women through a Federal Amendment. The Congressional Committee was strengthened and as Mrs. McCormick could no longer act as chairman it was headed by Mrs. Frank M. Roessing, the efficient president of the State a.s.sociation in the recent Pennsylvania campaign. Resolutions for the amendment were presented to the Senate on December 7 by Senators Thomas, Sutherland and Thompson (Kans.). On Jan. 8, 1916, the favorable report was made by Senator Thomas, a valuable doc.u.ment, widely circulated by the National a.s.sociation. This was the year of the Presidential campaign and there was no time when the prospect for a majority vote seemed good enough to take the risk. It was carefully considered after Judge Charles E.
Hughes, the Republican candidate for President, made his declaration for the Federal Amendment but many members were absent and a vote was not deemed advisable. The planks in the Republican and Democratic national platforms demanding woman suffrage by State action deprived it of political support.
The Judiciary Committee of the House, Edwin Y. Webb (N. C.), chairman, added to its unpleasant reputation. Resolutions for the amendment were introduced in December, 1915, by five members--Representatives Mondell, Raker, Taylor, Keating of Colorado and Hayden of Arizona.
They were referred to a sub-committee which on Feb. 9, 1916, reported one of them to the main committee "without recommendation." On the 15th it sent the resolution back to the sub-committee to hold until the next December by a vote of 9, all Democrats, to 7, three Democrats and four Republicans. As this was done when many were absent the Congressional Committee undertook to have the Judiciary take up the resolution again when the full committee could be present. It finally agreed to do so on March 14. Twenty of the twenty-one members were present, nine opponents and eleven friends, Hunter H. Moss of West Virginia among the latter coming from a sick bed. A motion was made to reconsider the action of February 15, which Chairman Webb ruled out of order. A debate of an hour and a half followed and to relieve the parliamentary tangle unanimous consent was given to act on the amendment resolution March 28 at 10:30 a.m. Four members of the National a.s.sociation"s Congressional Committee were on hand at that time but the Judiciary went at once into executive session, which barred them out. Instead of presenting the amendment resolution for consideration, which was the chairman"s duty when there was a special order of business, he permitted a motion to postpone all const.i.tutional amendments indefinitely! Ten of the members present were pledged to vote for a favorable report but Representative Leonidas C. Dyer of Missouri defaulted and voted with the nine opponents and no further action in 1916 was possible.
With the whole country now aroused to the importance of the votes of women in the election of a President the suffrage leaders saw the opportune time for pushing a measure which they had long advocated, namely, the granting to women by State Legislatures of the right to vote for Presidential electors. That of Illinois had been persuaded to do this in 1913; they had exercised it in 1916 and its const.i.tutionality had been established by the acceptance of the State"s vote in the Electoral College. As soon as the Legislatures of the various States met in 1917 they received from the headquarters of the National American a.s.sociation in New York the opinion of Chief Justice Walter Clark of North Carolina that the Federal Const.i.tution empowered Legislatures to determine who should vote for Presidential electors, with the authorities and arguments to support it. The presidents of the State suffrage a.s.sociations affiliated with the National were prepared to take up the matter at once with their Legislatures and as a result those of North Dakota, Nebraska, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio and Rhode Island conferred this vote on women during the winter. That of Arkansas gave to women full suffrage in all Primaries, equivalent to a vote in regular elections, and that of Vermont gave the Munic.i.p.al franchise. The following November came the great victory in New York.
This was the situation when Congress met in December, 1917. Mrs.
Roessing could not serve longer as chairman of the Congressional Committee and the National a.s.sociation had appointed Mrs. Maud Wood Park (Ma.s.s.), a founder and organizer of the National College Women"s Suffrage League, who had taken up the work in March. The a.s.sociation, whose headquarters were in New York City, had enlarged its staff in Washington and taken a large house for this committee and its work.
There on April 2 the first woman ever elected to Congress, Miss Jeannette Rankin of Montana, was entertained at breakfast, made a speech from an upper balcony and was escorted to the Capitol by Mrs.
Carrie Chapman Catt, national president, at the head of a cavalcade of decorated automobiles, filled with suffragists. That day the President asked Congress for a declaration of war against Germany. The resolution for the Federal Suffrage Amendment was to have been the first introduced in the Senate but the War Resolution took its place and it became Number Two on the calendar. Senator Thomas had given up the chairmanship of the Committee on Woman Suffrage and Senator Andrieus A. Jones (N. M.) had been appointed. Senators Nelson (Minn.), Johnson (S. D.) c.u.mmins (Iowa) and Johnson (Cal.) had been added to the committee and Senators Ashurst, Sutherland, Clapp and Catron had retired.
In the House the resolution was introduced by Representatives Rankin, Raker, Mondell, Taylor, Keating and Hayden. Both Houses agreed that only legislation pertaining to the war program should be considered during the extra session, which excluded the amendment, but there were some forms of work not prohibited. On April 20 the Senate Committee gave a hearing on it with Mrs. Catt in charge and very strong addresses were made by her and by Senators Shafroth (Colo.), Kendrick (Wyo.), Walsh (Mont.), Smoot (Utah), Thomas, Thompson and Representative Rankin. Thousands of copies were franked and given to the National a.s.sociation for distribution. On September 15 Chairman Jones made a unanimous favorable report to the Senate. In the House efforts were concentrated on securing a Committee on Woman Suffrage, resolutions for which had been introduced by Representatives Raker, Hayden and Keating and referred to the Committee on Rules. Mrs. Park"s report said:
Our first step was to get the approval of Speaker Clark, who gave us cordial support. Later, to offset the fear on the part of certain members of conflicting with President Wilson"s legislative program, a letter was sent to Chairman Edward W. Pou (N. C.) of the Rules Committee by the President, who stated that he thought the creation of the committee "would be a very wise act of public policy and also an act of fairness to the best women who are engaged in the cause of woman suffrage."
A pet.i.tion asking for the creation of a Committee on Woman Suffrage was signed by all members from equal suffrage States and by many of those from Presidential suffrage States, and from Arkansas. This was presented to the Rules Committee, which, on May 18, granted a hearing. On June 6, by a vote of 6 to 5, on motion of Mr. Cantrill a resolution calling for the creation of a Committee on Woman Suffrage to consist of thirteen members, to which all proposed action touching the subject of woman suffrage should be referred, was adopted by the Rules Committee, with an amendment, made by Mr. Lenroot to the effect that the resolution should not be reported in the House until the pending war legislation was out of the way.
The report of the Rules Committee, therefore, was not brought into the House until September 24, when the extremely active opposition of Chairman Webb and most of the other members of the Judiciary Committee made a hard fight inevitable. Thanks to the hearty support of Speaker Clark, the good management of Chairman Pou and the help of loyal friends of both parties in the House, as well as to the admirable work done by our own State congressional chairmen, the report was adopted by a vote of 180 yeas to 107 nays, with 3 answering present and 142 not voting. Of the favorable votes, 82 were from Democrats and 96 from Republicans. Of the unfavorable votes, 74 were from Democrats and 32 from Republicans. Of those not voting, 59 were Democrats and 81 were Republicans. These facts show that the measure was regarded, as we had hoped that it would be, as strictly non-partisan. The victory came so late in the session that the appointment of the new committee was postponed until the present session.
At the November election in 1917 occurred the greatest victory for woman suffrage ever achieved, when the voters of New York by a majority of 102,353 declared in favor of an amendment to the State const.i.tution granting the complete franchise to women. This added 45 to the members of Congress elected partly by votes of women and presumably obligated to support a Federal Amendment. Colonel Roosevelt and other leading Republicans and Progressives were advocating it and William Jennings Bryan headed the Democratic leaders in its favor.
President Wilson had not yet reached this point but he had congratulated Mrs. Catt, Dr. Anna Howard Shaw and the other leading suffragists on every victory gained. Both Republican and Democratic opponents now realized that it was inevitable and they could only hope to postpone it. After strong efforts to prevent it the Committee on Woman Suffrage was appointed in the House on December 13 with Judge Raker (Cal.) chairman. Besides himself nine of the thirteen members were openly in favor of submitting the amendment: Benjamin C. Hilliard (Colo.); James H. Mays (Utah); Christopher D. Sullivan (N. Y.); Thomas L. Blanton (Texas); Jeannette Rankin (Mont.); Frank W. Mondell (Wyo.); William H. Carter (Ma.s.s.); Edward C. Little (Kans.); Richard N.
Elliott (Ind.). Three were opposed: Edward W. Saunders (Va.); Frank Clark (Fla.); Jacob E. Meeker (Mo.).
The Judiciary refused to turn over the amendment resolution to the new Committee but amended it by limiting to seven years the time in which the Legislatures could ratify it, and reported it "without recommendation" on December 11. Democratic floor leader Claude Kitchin (N. C.) announced that it would come to a vote on the 17th. He was strongly pressed to set a later date, as the required number of votes were not yet a.s.sured, but the alternative was probably a long postponement. Finally he consented to wait until January 10. At the beginning of the session, through the initiative of Mrs. Park, a "steering committee" of fifty-three friendly Republicans had been brought together with an executive composed of Mr. Hayden chairman, Mr. French (Ida.) secretary, Mr. Keating, Mr. McArthur (Ore.) and Mr.
Cantrill, who had now become an ally. During all of December the National Suffrage a.s.sociation had a large lobby of influential women working daily at the Capitol with the members from their States. The national suffrage convention met in Washington December 10-16, and, following a plan of Mrs. Catt, the president, Senators from about thirty States invited the Representatives to their offices to meet the women from their States who were attending the convention and many pledges of votes were obtained. In the meantime, at the suggestion of Speaker Clark and Chairman Pou, Judge Raker introduced a new amendment resolution, which went automatically to his own committee, where it was in the hands of a strong friend instead of a bitter opponent as was Mr. Webb.
The Committee on Woman Suffrage held hearings Jan. 3-7, 1918, for the National Suffrage a.s.sociation, the National Woman"s Party and the Anti-Suffrage a.s.sociation.[138] On the 8th it reported favorably and on the 9th the Committee on Rules voted to give to it instead of the Judiciary Committee charge of the hearing.
Great efforts were made to secure the cooperation of Democratic and Republican leaders. Letters of endors.e.m.e.nt were given out by Secretaries McAdoo, Daniels and Baker of the Cabinet among others of influence. It was now understood that President Wilson had come to favor the Federal Amendment but he had not yet spoken. Finally through the mediation of Mrs. Helen H. Gardener, vice-president of the National Suffrage a.s.sociation, an appointment was made for Chairman Raker and eleven Democratic Representatives to call on the President January 9. After a conference he wrote with his own hand the following statement to be made public: "The Woman Suffrage Committee found that the President had not felt at liberty to volunteer his advice to members of Congress in this important matter but when we sought his advice he very frankly and earnestly advised us to vote for the amendment as an act of right and justice to the women of the country and of the world." This declaration had a marked effect on the Democratic members and on the party outside.
[Ill.u.s.tration: BALCONY OF THE NATIONAL SUFFRAGE HEADQUARTERS IN WASHINGTON.
Mrs. Helen H. Gardener, Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, Mrs. Maud Wood Park.]
On the Republican side, Colonel Roosevelt wrote a letter to Chairman Willc.o.x of the Republican National Committee, urging that the party do everything possible for the amendment, and Mr. Willc.o.x went more than once to Washington to labor with Republican leaders in the House to secure fuller party support for it. On the evening of January 9, a meeting was called in the hope of securing caucus action. It could not be had but the following very moderate resolution was adopted: "The Republican conference of the House of Representatives recommends and advises that the Republican members support the Federal Suffrage Amendment in so far as they can do so consistently with their convictions and the att.i.tude of their const.i.tuents"!
Shortly after 12 o"clock on Jan. 10, 1918, with the galleries of the House crowded, Representative Foster (Ills.) presented the rule, which, when adopted, provided for the closing of debate at five o"clock that afternoon and even division of time between supporters and opponents. With Chairman Raker"s consent the general debate was opened by Miss Rankin and it continued until five o"clock, when amendments were in order. One, offered by Representative Moores of Indiana, providing for ratification by convention in the several States instead of by the Legislatures, was defeated by a vote of 131 to 274. A second, by Representative Gard of Ohio, limiting the time allowed for ratification by the States to seven years, was defeated by a vote of 158 to 274.
a.n.a.lyzed by parties and not including pairs, the vote on the joint resolution for submitting the Federal Suffrage Amendment to the Legislatures was as follows:
Republicans 165 ayes, 33 noes Democrats 104 " 102 "
Miscellaneous 5 " 1 "
--- --- 274 136
This vote was a fraction less than one over the necessary two-thirds.
Twenty-three State delegations voted solidly for the amendment: Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming. The delegations of only six States voted solidly against it--Alabama, Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina.
A number of men who voted favorably came to the Capitol at considerable inconvenience to cast their votes. Republican Leader Mann of Illinois at much personal risk came from a hospital in Baltimore.
He had not been present in Congress for months and his arrival shortly before five o"clock caused great excitement in the chamber.
Representative Sims of Tennessee, who had broken his shoulder two days before, refused to have it set until after the suffrage vote and against the advice of his physician was on the floor for the discussion and the vote. Representative Barnhart of Indiana was taken from his bed in a hospital in Washington and stayed at the Capitol just long enough to cast his vote. One of the New York Representatives came immediately after the death of his wife, who had been an ardent suffragist, and returned on the next train.
When it became apparent that the resolution had carried, the opponents became very active on the floor attempting to persuade some member to change his vote. They demanded a recapitulation but it stood the same as the original vote. Speaker Clark had given his a.s.surance that in case of a tie he would vote in favor. Only one member broke his pledge to the women. The most remarkable feature was that 56 of the affirmative votes were from southern States.
The women were jubilant, as they believed the end of their long struggle was near. It was not antic.i.p.ated that there would be serious difficulty in the Senate. Its committee had reported favorably and in a short time promises were obtained for the needed two-thirds lacking only three or four. There had been, however, an unprecedented series of deaths in the Senate during the past few months which in the early part of 1918 were increased to ten, seven of whom were pledged to vote for the amendment. Some of the vacancies were filled by friends and some by foes but there was a net loss to it of one. Nevertheless no means were left untried to obtain help from individuals, committees and organizations with influence.
Through the national headquarters in New York a pet.i.tion signed by a thousand men of nation wide reputation was obtained and presented to the Senate. Among the most important favorable resolutions adopted were those by the Democratic National Committee Feb. 11, 1918; by the Republican National Committee February 12; by the Democratic Congressional Committee June 4; by the model State platforms of the Republican and Democratic parties in Indiana in May and June; by the Republican Congressional Committee; by the General Federation of Women"s Clubs May 3; by the American Federation of Labor June 14. Will H. Hays, newly elected chairman of the Republican National Committee, gave interviews in favor and worked diligently in many other ways for its success, as did Vance McCormick, former chairman, and Homer c.u.mmings, present chairman of the National Democratic Committee, and many other men conspicuous in public life.
It was finally decided to take a vote on May 10 but on the 9th so serious a fight in opposition had developed that it was considered best to postpone it. By June 27 the outlook was so favorable that the amendment was brought before the Senate. Senators Poindexter (Wash.) and Thompson (Kans.) spoke in favor, Brandegee (Conn.) in opposition.
A wrangle over "pairs" followed and Reed (Mo.) launched a "filibuster." After he had spoken two hours Chairman Jones saw that the situation was hopeless and withdrew his motion.
During the summer representatives of the National a.s.sociation obtained in Delaware a pet.i.tion of over 11,000 to Senators Wolcott and Saulsbury to support the amendment. Pet.i.tions poured in on other opposing Senators and influence of many kinds was exerted. Only two more votes were needed and it seemed important to put the amendment through before the fall election. On August 24 a conference of Republican Senators was held in Washington to elect a floor leader in place of Senator Gallinger (N. H.), who had died, and it pa.s.sed the following resolution: "We shall insist upon the consideration of the Federal Suffrage Amendment immediately after the disposition of the pending unfinished business and upon a final vote at the earliest possible moment, provided that this resolution shall not be construed as in any way binding the action or vote of any member of the Senate upon the merits of said suffrage amendment"!
The friends of the measure could have had "immediate consideration" at almost any time during the past year. They could have had a vote on May 10 had they considered that time favorable. Even on June 27 some way might have been found to obtain it had there been a very great desire to have it taken then. This conference resolution called upon the Senate to vote on it and get it out of the way, no matter whether it should be carried or defeated, and did not even give it the prestige of a favorable endors.e.m.e.nt. Here, as in the State"s rights plank put into the Republican national platform in 1916, one could easily see the fine hand of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Ma.s.sachusetts.
The way was now wide open for President Wilson to secure for the Democratic party the credit for submitting the amendment, which the suffrage leaders were quick to take advantage of. On September 18 a delegation of Democratic women, members of the National American Suffrage a.s.sociation, had a conference with him to ask his help, which he willingly promised. A few of the newly elected or appointed Senators held out some hope and Chairman Jones gave notice that he would call up the amendment on September 26, as it was most important to get it through at this session, so as not to have it go back to the House.