The Dutch government has declared that it will not abolish slavery without indemnifying the owners, and for this reason it has not given any formal sanction to the liberty which the Dutch governor of St. Martin"s (with the consent of the planters) found himself compelled to concede to the negroes, when emanc.i.p.ation was proclaimed in the French part of the same island, but left matters in _statu quo_. Once, however, there existed an instance of emanc.i.p.ation without compensation. The National Convention of France, in the year 1793, did, disregarding the sacred rights of property, proclaim the abolition of slavery; but ten years afterwards, on the 28th of May, 1802, that act was declared by the corps legislatif, to be an act of spoliation, and as such illegal; consequently slavery was re-established by decree of the First Consul, and continued for half a century, and would in all probability be still in full vigor, at least for some time, had it not been for the revolution of February. For us, we have the most implicit reliance on the honor of the Danish Government, and the Danish people, and we feel persuaded that they will not follow the example of the National Convention. In Denmark, love of justice and respect for the sacredness of the rights of property are too deeply implanted in the soil to be easily rooted out. The proverbial honesty of Denmark is as firm as the courage, loyalty, and gallantry of which her sons have so lately given such signal proof.
The Rigsdag of Denmark will not on account of the burden, shrink from the demands of justice; it will not allow it to be said that it refused to satisfy a claim, the justness of which has never been doubted by any civilized nation, nor will it suffer a number of its fellow citizens to be illegally bereft of their property without compensation. The Rigsdag of Denmark will not leave it in the power of the world to say, that it was liberal at the expense of others, or that it denied compensation to the weak, because they had only the right, but not the power to enforce it. In reviewing the means that present themselves, the burden will not be so considerable or so heavy, when we take into consideration that the state possesses many plantations, in respect of which to their former complement of slaves, there will of course be no question of compensation, and that it also holds mortgages on many properties, where the compensation can be written off, without any real loss in many cases; on the other hand, the realm, by fulfilling its duty in settling a lawful claim, will gain by the disburs.e.m.e.nt of the compensation, which will as may reasonably be expected, not alone increase the prosperity of the colonies, but their inhabitants will attach themselves more closely to Denmark.
We do not entertain any doubt but that the Rigsdag will grant us the compensation to which we have the most incontestable right, and which cannot be controverted by such futile arguments, as, that the owners have lost nothing by the government depriving them of their property, as the stock of labor is the same, and to be had for an equitable hire. If it even in reality were the case, that the expenses were not greater, and the work not less than before the emanc.i.p.ation, while, alas! the contrary is the case, it would, nevertheless, be a species of argument in itself contrary to common sense, in a degree, that it would scarcely require any refutation at the bar of the enlightened Rigsdag, as it might with just as much reason be said, that all the rest of the property of people could be taken away whenever the government managed matters in such a way, that the properties could be rented at so moderate a rate, that the expenses did not exceed, what those of the keeping of the property yearly had amounted to. It will be clearly evident that the owner notwithstanding, loses his essential rights, for the property would no longer be at his disposal, or under his control, he would be dependent upon others not only as to renting of that kind of property of which he had formerly been possessed, but he would not be able to sell, mortgage, or dispose of it in any manner whatever, either in favor of himself, his children, or other heirs; in short, property would to him, entirely lose its money value, and the capital vested in it would be sunk as is now the case with us. Many a slave owner derived his living from the yearly income which the hire of his slaves produced, but now the state has bereft him of his property, and hurled him, widows and orphans into the most abject poverty and misery, while that act, as yet without compensation, has more or less generally affected those who possessed that cla.s.s of property, and in numberless instances produced pecuniary embarra.s.sment; while the slave owners who are proprietors of plantations have not alone lost the capital invested in their slaves, but the subversion of the ancient normal order in the colonies, but in addition thereto, they are exposed to the imminent risk of seeing their estates, buildings, and fabrics eventually reduced to no value whatever.
Most a.s.suredly the circ.u.mstances which precede the emanc.i.p.ation, cannot be brought forward in support of the necessity thereof.
Such a delusion cannot hold good. It is notorious that the so called insurrection which was begun in the jurisdiction of Fredericksted, at St. Croix on the 3d of July, 1848, would have been put down, if the forces, although reduced as they had been, had been called out and made use of by the government of that island. This is borne out by the sentence of 5th of February, in this year, rendered against the governor-general by the commission, which sentence expressly states that the declaration of emanc.i.p.ation partly originated in a desire to procure the treasury an exemption from compensation, or what is the same thing, it was intended to serve as a means to deprive the proprietors of their lawful rights. Furthermore, it is quite evident, that even the most trifling commotion would not have occurred, if the Captain-General of Puerto Rico"s offer of a.s.sistance on perceiving the impending dangers had been accepted.
Neither is it less certain that the normal order could have been re-established subsequently. His Majesty"s government by presenting to royal a.s.sent the emanc.i.p.ation of the negro slaves, which the governor-general had taken upon himself to grant, has adopted the act as its own. It has also from the very beginning been considered that the insurrection could not be viewed as sufficient foundation for the act. This is clearly to be seen from the wording of the royal mandate on which the emanc.i.p.ation is made a concession "to the lively" wishes of the negroes. That his late Majesty King Christian VIII., of glorious and blessed memory, had by rescript of 28th July 1847, given freedom to all children born of slaves in the Danish West India possessions, and at the same time ordained that slavery should finally cease in twelve years, cannot be pleaded as a reason that proprietors of slaves are to sustain loss and receive no compensation, for the question remained open, and had been only glanced at by said rescript. It is much to be lamented that the emanc.i.p.ation in the manner it took place, and with the circ.u.mstances with which it was accompanied, induced the slave population, although erroneously, to believe that they had overawed the government, and to receive the emanc.i.p.ation not as boon, but rather as a trophy. The bad impression which such a management of matters has caused, will ever remain, and render the march of administration difficult, for defiance has taken the place which only should have been ceded to grat.i.tude. It ought here to be observed that a succession of ordinances had gradually loosed the ties which existed between the master and the slave. What heretofore had been esteemed as a favor on the master"s part, was by law converted into an obligation, and the slave was not only rendered more and more independent of his master, but his sentiments of attachment to him were destroyed. Thus the law made it obligatory on the master to cede a negro his freedom when he could pay his full value; a favor which hardly any one had thought of refusing; thus the law bound the master to give his slaves certain little extras for Christmas, a favor which no one had thought of denying, and thus the law compelled the planter to give his negroes the Sat.u.r.day free; a boon, which hitherto frequently had been granted as a recompense for diligent work during the week. But from the moment that the law converted into an obligation, that which hitherto had been received as a favor, indifference usurped the place of grat.i.tude. Thus, by consecutive innovations, the state of things became precarious, the relations insecure, impatience sprung up, and the seeds of the tumultuous scenes which ensued and served as a pretext for emanc.i.p.ation, were sown. Here we must observe, that though it were admitted that the pretended insurrection at St. Croix rendered emanc.i.p.ation an act of necessity, it cannot, at all events, in any manner be cited with regard to St. Thomas or St. John, where no kind of disturbance existed among the slave population, Thus, entertaining the intimate conviction that our right to compensation is as conformable to reason, as it ought to be sacred and inviolable, and in solemnly protesting against our being bereft of our property without full compensation, we submit this our representation to the Rigsdag of Denmark, with the most unlimited confidence in its justice. We have the consoling hope and encouraging persuasion that the representatives of a people who, by the bill of indemnity of 30th June, 1850, have gone ahead of, and set a brilliant example to other nations, by the acknowledgment of the principle of equity, that "all citizens ought equally to share the losses which the scourge of war had brought upon individuals," will not deny a principle of justice, which every European nation has. .h.i.therto not neglected to comply with towards its colonies.
ST. THOMAS AND ST. JOHN, June, 1851.
To the Rigsdag of Denmark.
AN EXTRACT FROM THE WILL OF ROBERT PLEASANTS DATED FEBRUARY 6, 1800, AND ADMITTED TO PROBATE IN HENRICO COUNTY, VIRGINIA, APRIL 6, 1801
"From a full conviction that slavery is an evil of great magnitude and no less repugnant to the Divine command of doing to others as we would they should do unto us that it is inconsistent with the true interest and prosperity of my country, I did confirm freedom to all the Negroes that by law, I had property in by a Deed of Emanc.i.p.ation bearing date the first of the 8th month, 1782, duly acknowledged and admitted to record in the Clerk"s office of Henrico County, three boys excepted names Moses, Nat and James, who at that time lived with their mothers in Goochland County and were forgotten but have since been emanc.i.p.ated, but as it is still necessary that those who are ancient and incapable of getting a living (being over forty-five years of age at the time of emanc.i.p.ation) should be supported, I now desire and direct it to be done and that the young ones may have learning sufficient to enable them to transact the common affairs of life for that purpose I have had a Schoolhouse put on my land called Gravely hills tract containing by estimation 350 acres the use and profits whereof I give for that purpose forever, or so long as the Monthly Meeting of Friends in this County may think it necessary for the benefit of the children and descendants of those who have been emanc.i.p.ated by me, or other black children whom they may think proper to admit; reserving only to my heirs hereafter named the priviledge of cutting timber occasionally for building, of which there appears to be more than perhaps may ever be necessary for the use of the School and the Tenants who are now on it, or hereafter may settle thereon and reserving also a privilege for my old servant Philip and his Wife Dilcy to settle on and occupy such part thereof as they may choose (not interfering with the school) during their natural lives, they not committing Waste or taking others to work the land under colour of this gift except it should be necessary for their support reserving also to the women Effee, Sarah, Dilcy and Elcy to continue or live on rent free during their natural lives on the same conditions or restrictions expressed in my grant to Philip and Dilcy and I further direct that in case those of my heirs who may claim a right to the service of the young blacks under this will should neglect or refuse to give them learning either at the above mentioned School or by some other way or means, I hereby declare them free one year before their time of servitude expires and to be sent to school at the expense of my estate for that time. And Whereas a suit was inst.i.tuted several years ago in my name as the Heir at Law of my Father and only acting executor to him and my Brother Jonathan Pleasants for the relief of a number of Negroes by them directed to be free at a certain age, but wrongfully held in Bondage which suit was lately determined in their favor, but considering that many of them have been brought up in ignorance and may need the care, advice and perhaps a.s.sistance too of friends I do request my beloved friends to be nominated Executors by this _Will_ to extend such care towards them as the nature of the case may call for or require."
PROCEEDINGS OF A RECONSTRUCTION MEETING[531]
On April 19, 1867, a general meeting of the citizens of Mobile was held relative to the new measures of reconstruction. Among the vice-presidents were men of all cla.s.ses and color--as civil judges, bishops, clergy, physicians, citizens, etc., etc., of whom five were colored men. The only colored speaker on the occasion said:
"_Fellow-Citizens_: I feel my incapacity to-night to speak, after hearing the eloquence of those preceding me. I received an invitation from the white citizens of Mobile to speak for the purpose of reconciling our races--the black to the white--to extend the hand of fellowship. You have heard the resolutions.
You are with us, and I believe are sincere in what they promise.
It is my duty to accept the offer of reconstruction when it is extended in behalf of peace to our common country. Let us remove the past from our bosoms, and reconcile ourselves and positions together. I am certain that my race cannot be satisfied unless granted all the rights allowed by the law and by that flag. The resolutions read to you to-night guarantee every thing. Can you expect any more? If you do, I would like to know where you are going to get it. I am delighted in placing myself upon this platform, and in doing this I am doing my duty to my G.o.d and my country. We want to do what is right. We believe white men will also do what is right."
The next speaker was a late Confederate officer during the war.
He said:
"It is the first time for seven long years that we sit--and at first we sat with diffidence--under the "old flag" and I connot deny that my feelings are rather of a strange nature. Looking back to the past, I remembered the day (the 10th day of January, 1861) when I hauled down that flag from its proud staff in Fort St. Philip, and thought then that another flag would soon spread its ample folds over the Southern soil.
"But that flag is no more. It has gone down in a cloud of glory--no more to float even over the deserted graves of our departed heroes--one more of the bright constellations in the broad canopy of that firmament where great warriors are made demiG.o.ds.
"But I did not come here to-night to tell you, men of Alabama, that my heart was with you--for you well know that as far as that heart can go, it never will cease beating for what is held dear and sacred to you. But I came here to speak to those of our new fellow-citizens, who are not seeking the light of truth.
"It is said that two races now stand in open antagonism to each other--that the colored man is the natural enemy of the white man, and, hereafter, no communion of interests, feelings and past a.s.sociations, can fill the gulf which divides them.
"But who is it that says so? Is it the Federal soldier who fought for the freedom of that race? Is it even the political leader whose eloquence stirred up the North and West to the rescue of that race? No; it is none of these. It is not even the intelligent and educated men of that cla.s.s, for I now stand on the very spot where one of them, Mr. Trenier, disclaimed those disorganizing principles, and eloquently vindicated the cause of truth and reason.
"Why, then, should there be any strife between us? Why should not our G.o.ds be their G.o.ds--our happiness be their happiness? Has anything happened which should break up concert of action, harmony, and concord in the great--the main objects of life--the pursuit of happiness?
"Where can that happiness spring from? Is it from the midst of a community divided against itself, or from one blessed with peace and harmony?
"In what particular have our relations changed? In what case have our interests in the general welfare been divided? Is not today the colored man as essential to our prosperity as he was before?
"Is not our soil calling for the energetic efforts of his sinewy arms? Can we, in fact, live without him? But while we want his labor he wants our lands, our capital, our industry, our influence in the commerce and finances of the world.
"And if, coming down from those higher functions in society, we descend to our domestic relations, where do we find that those relations are changed?
"Does not the intelligent freedman know that neither he nor we are accountable to G.o.d for the condition in which we were respectively born?
"Does he not know that, for generations past, the inst.i.tution of slavery had been forced upon us by the avarice, the love of power of the North? Does he not know that to-day we have in him the same implicit faith and reliance we had before?"[532]
FOOTNOTES:
[513] _Boston Evening Post_, Aug. 3, 1761. This issue carries an advertis.e.m.e.nt for such Negroes.
[514] Ford, "Washington"s Writing," II, 211.
[515] _Ibid._, VI, 349.
[516] Ford, "Washington"s Writings," VII, 371.
[517] _Ibid._, X, 48.
[518] Ford, "Washington"s Writings," IX, 392-393.
[519] _Ibid._, X, 200.
[520] In the letter here mentioned, Sir Guy Carleton had requested that Congress would empower some person or persons to go into New York, and a.s.sist such persons as he should appoint to inspect and superintend the embarkation of persons and property, in fulfilment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty, and "that they would be pleased to represent to him every infraction of the letter of spirit of the treaty, that redress might be immediately ordered." _Diplomatic Correspondence_, Vol. XI, p. 335. The commissioners appointed by General Washington for this purpose were Egbert Benson, William S.
Smith, and Daniel Parker. Their instructions were dated the 8th of May.
[521] This gives further light on the subject: "The breach of that (article) which stipulated a restoration of negroes, will be made the subject of a pointed remonstrance from our minister in Europe to the British Court, with a demand of reparation; and in the meantime Genl.
Washington is to insist on a more faithful observance of that stipulation at New York."--Virginia Delegates in Congress to the Governor of Virginia, 27 May, 1783.
"Some of my own slaves, and those of Mr. Lund Washington who lives at my house, may probably be in New York, but I am unable to give you their description--their names being so easily changed, will be fruitless to give. If by chance you should come at the knowledge of any of them, I will be much oblige by your securing them, so that I am obtain them again."--_Washington to Daniel Parker_, 28 April, 1783.
Ford, "Washington"s Writings," X, 246-247.
[522] Ford, "Washington"s Writings," X, 241-243.
[523] _Ibid._, X, 220.
[524] _The Philanthropist_, March 4, 1836.
[525] _The Philanthropist_, March 4, 1836.
[526] _The Philanthropist_, March 4, 1836.
[527] Ford, "Washington"s Writings," XIV, 196-197.
[528] "On 22d April 1785, when acting as chain bearer, while Washington was surveying a tract of land on Four Mile Run, William fell, and broke his knee pan; "which put a stop to my surveying; and with much difficulty I was able to get jim to abingdon, being obliged to get a sled to carry him on, as he could neither walk, stand or ride.""--_Washington"s Diary_. _See Spurious Letters Attributed to Washington_, 8.
[529] "The mulatto fellow, William, who has been with me all the war, is attached (married he says) to one of his own color, a free woman, who during the war, was also of my family. She has been in an infirm condition for some time, and I had conceived that the connextion between them had ceased; but I am mistaken it seems; they are both applying to get her here, and tho" I never wished to see her more, I cannot refuse his request (if it can be complied with on reasonable terms) as he has served me faithfully for many years.
"After premising this much, I have to beg the favor to procure her pa.s.sage to Alexandria, either by Sea, in the Stage, or in the pa.s.sage of boat from the head of the Elk, as you shall think cheapest and best, and her situation will admit; the cost of either I will pay. Her name is Margaret Thomas allias Lee (the name by which _he_ calls himself). She lives in Philada. with Isaac and Hannah Sile--black people, who are oftern employ"d by families in the city as cooks."--_Washington to to Clement Biddle_, 28 July, 1784.
"The President would thank you to propose to Will to return to Mount Vernon when he can be removed for he cannot be of any service here, and perhaps will require a person to attend upon him constantly. If he should be incline to return to Mount Vernon, you will be so kind as to have him sent in the first Vessel that sails for Alexandria after he can be removed with safety--but if he is still anxious to come on here the President would gratify him Altho" he will be troublesome--He has been an old faithful Servant, this is enough for the President to gratify him in every reasonable wish."--_Lear to Biddle_, 3 March, 1789. Ford, "Washington"s Writings," XIV, 272-274.