The refusal of the Chinese Government to ratify the Treaty of Tien-tsin, and an unwarranted attack on certain British ships, led to a revival of hostilities. A desire being expressed by the Chinese to resume negotiations, some of the British representatives despatched for that purpose were treacherously captured, and treated with great cruelty. The allied troops of England and France thereupon, marched to Pekin, when reparation was made, and retribution, exacted for the outrages. A Convention was eventually signed on the 24th of October.
CHAPTER XXIX
1860
_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._
LAEKEN, _6th January 1860_.
MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I have to thank you for a _most affectionate_ and gracious letter of the 3rd....
I will speak to my pianist about Wagner"s _Lohengrin_; he plays with great taste and feeling, and I purchased a fine Parisian piano to enable him to go on satisfactorily.
Now I must speak a little of pa.s.sing events. Louis Napoleon wished for a Congress because it would have placed a new authority between himself and the Italians, whom he fears evidently concerning their fondness of a.s.sa.s.sinating people. The pamphlet, "The Pope and the Congress," remains _incomprehensible_[1]; it will do him much harm, and will deprive him of the confidence of the Catholics who have been in France his most devoted supporters. Now the Congress is then postponed, but what is to be done with Italy? One notion is, that there would be some arrangement by which Piedmont would receive more, Savoy would go to France, and England would receive Sardinia. I am sure that England would by no means wish to have Sardinia. It will give me great pleasure to hear what Lord Cowley has reported on these subjects. I understand that Louis Napoleon is now much occupied with Germany, and studies its resources. This is somewhat alarming, as he had followed, it seems, the same course about Italy. _Gare la bombe_, the Prussians may say. One cannot understand why Louis Napoleon is using so many odd subterfuges when plain acting would from the month of September have settled everything. I must say that I found Walewski at that time very sensible and conservative. His retiring will give the impression that things are now to be carried on in a less conservative way, and people will be much alarmed. I know Thouvenel, and liked him, but that was in the poor King"s time. In England his nomination will not give much pleasure, I should imagine, as he was in the situation to oppose English notions in the Orient.... Your devoted Uncle,
LEOPOLD R.
[Footnote 1: This famous pamphlet, issued (like that of February 1859, _ante_, 25th January, 1859, note 7) under the nominal authorship of M. de la Gueronniere, expounded the Emperor"sview that the Pope should be deprived of his temporal dominions, Rome excepted. Its publication brought about the resignation of Count Walewski (who was succeeded by M. de Thouvenel) and the abandonment of the proposed Congress.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th January 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell"s letter, written after the Cabinet yesterday evening. She was much relieved by finding a proposal to call upon France and Austria not to interfere in Italy subst.i.tuted for the former one implying war on our part for the defence of the Provisional Governments of Central Italy. The Queen must consider this new proposal, however, as partial and incomplete as long as Sardinia is not asked as well to abstain from interference. Austria has reversionary rights in Tuscany and Modena, Sardinia has no rights at all, if a desire for acquisition is not to be considered as one.
Austria will probably say she has no intention of interfering as long as Sardinia does not, but she cannot allow Sardinia to possess herself of her inheritance under her very eyes. It is also incorrect to place France and Austria entirely in the same line; Austria being an Italian power in virtue of Venetia, and France having nothing whatever to do in Italy.
[Pageheading: WHIG TRADITIONS]
_Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria._
PEMBROKE LODGE, _11th January 1860_.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty; he has just had the honour to receive your Majesty"s letter of this date.
Lord John Russell has sent to Lord Palmerston the proposal he humbly submits to your Majesty.
He will therefore only venture to say that the doctrines of the Revolution of 1688, doctrines which were supported by Mr Fox, Mr Pitt, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Castlereagh, Mr Canning, and Lord Grey, can hardly be abandoned in these days by your Majesty"s present advisers. According to those doctrines, all power held by Sovereigns may be forfeited by misconduct, and each nation is the judge of its own internal government.[2]
Lord John Russell can hardly be expected to abjure those opinions, or to act in opposition to them.
[Footnote 2: In a despatch of the 27th of October, Lord John took the same ground in the case of Naples. After quoting with approval the view taken by Vattel of the lawfulness of the a.s.sistance given by the United Provinces to the Prince of Orange, and his conclusion that it is justifiable to a.s.sist patriots revolting against an oppressor for "good reasons," he stated that the question was whether the people of Naples and of the Roman States took up arms against their Government for good reasons; and of this matter, he added, the people themselves were the best judges.]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _11th January 1860_.
The Queen has received Lord John Russell"s note of this day, in which she is not able to find any answer to her letter, or even an allusion to what she had written, viz. that Austria and France being asked to abstain from interference, such an arrangement would be partial and incomplete unless Sardinia was pledged also to non-interference. The Queen cannot make out what the doctrines of the Revolution of 1688 can have to do with this, or how it would necessitate Lord John to abjure them.
[Pageheading: AFFAIRS OF ITALY]
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _17th January 1860_.
MY BELOVED UNCLE,--Your dear letter of the 13th reached me on Sat.u.r.day, and I at once forwarded your letter to good and faithful Clark, who was for _two_ months unable to attend us from a severe attack of illness, but who is, I am happy to say, much better, indeed his own good self again, and who is now _here_.[3] This good account you give us of your precious health makes us truly happy. It is such a blessing.
Affairs are in a sad and complicated state, and though we modify matters as much as we _can_, we can"t entirely keep our Ministers (_the two_) from doing _something_. You will hear no doubt of the last proposal soon, viz. that France and Austria should _both_ agree _not_ to interfere in Italy--France withdrawing her troops from Rome, and Sardinia to be asked not to send any troops into the Duchies until there has been a _final vote_ expressive of their wishes. We could _not prevent_ this _proposal_, which I doubt being accepted--as the rest of the Cabinet thought it could _not_ be opposed, and entailed _no_ material _support_. This country _never_ would consent to be entangled in a _war_ for this Italian quarrel....
We have a large party again to-day for the _Play_ which we have to-morrow. We had a very successful one last week. The Persignys come to-day.
Now I must end. With Albert"s love, ever your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 3: The Queen, later in the year, lent Bagshot Park temporarily to Sir James Clark.]
[Pageheading: ANNEXATION OF SAVOY]
[Pageheading: VICTOR EMMANUEL]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
WINDSOR CASTLE, _21st January 1860_.
The Queen returns the enclosed important letter from Lord Cowley, and Lord John Russell"s answers--doc.u.ments which she trusts will be communicated to the Cabinet. The Emperor shows unwillingness to evacuate Rome and Lombardy, disinclination to admit of the annexation of the Duchies to Sardinia, a feeling that he could not do so without appearing dishonourable in the eyes of Austria, and a determination to rob Sardinia of Savoy in order to repay the French Nation for the rupture with the Pope, and the abandonment of a protective tariff by the reconquest of at least a portion of the "_frontieres naturelles de la France_."[4] Lord Cowley"s letter proves clearly that it is (as the Queen all along felt and often said) most dangerous for us to offer to bind ourselves to a common action with the Emperor with regard to Italy, whilst he has entered into a variety of engagements with the different parties engaged in the dispute, of which we know nothing, and has objects in view which we can only guess at, and which have not the good of Italy in view, but his own aggrandis.e.m.e.nt to the serious detriment of Europe.
With regard to Lord John Russell"s answer, the Queen will only say that our proposal having been made by us after serious reflection and the anxious discussion of the Cabinet and the Queen, no deviation from it ought to take place without affording them ample opportunity to consider the bearings and probable results of such alteration.