I told him that the Queen and certainly myself had been under a delusion, and that I was sure the country was equally so, as to his intention to return to Protection. Sometimes it was stated that Protection would be adhered to, sometimes that it was given up, and that it was _compensation_ to the landed interest which the Protectionists looked to. His last speeches and the Motion of Mr Disraeli led to that belief, but that it was of the highest importance that the country should know exactly what was intended; the Queen would then have an opportunity of judging how the nation looked upon the proposal. I hoped therefore that the declaration of his opinions which Lord Stanley had now laid before the Queen would be clearly enunciated by him in Parliament when the Ministerial explanations should take place, which would naturally follow this crisis.
Lord Stanley merely answered that he hoped that no explanations would take place before a Government was formed. He said he should wish the word "Protection" to be merged, to which I rejoined that though he might wish this, I doubted whether the country would let him.
Before taking leave, he repeated over and over again his advice that the Coalition Ministry should be tried.
ALBERT.
_Queen Victoria to Lord Stanley._
_22nd February 1851._
In order to be able to be perfectly accurate in stating Lord Stanley"s opinions, which the Queen feels some delicacy in doing, she would be very thankful if he would write down for her what he just stated to her--as his advice in the present difficulty. Of course she would not let such a paper go out of her hands.
[Pageheading: SIR JAMES GRAHAM]
[Pageheading: FOREIGN POLICY]
[Pageheading: THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON]
_Memorandum by the Prince Albert._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _23rd February 1851._
Sir James Graham, who had been out of Town, came at six o"clock, having received my letter on his return. Lord John Russell had been here before that time.
After having stated to him (Lord John) what had pa.s.sed with Lord Stanley, we told him that Sir James Graham was here; Lord John seemed much surprised at Lord Stanley"s refusal to form an Administration, declared himself ready to do what he could towards the formation of a new Government on an extended basis, but thought that Sir James Graham and Lord Aberdeen should have the first offer.
I went accordingly over to my room, where Sir James was waiting. He was entirely taken by surprise by the announcement of the resignation of the Government, and begged to be able to state to me how he was situated before he saw the Queen and Lord John.
I then communicated to him what had pa.s.sed with Lord Stanley, upon which we had a conversation of more than an hour, of which the chief features were:
1. Apprehension on the part of Sir James Graham lest the attempt on the part of Lord Stanley to re-impose Protective duties should produce universal commotion in the country, which would be increased by the Dissolution, without which Lord Stanley would not be able to proceed.
2. His disbelief that Lord Aberdeen would be able to join in any Government abandoning Sir R. Peel"s principles, as he had been consulted before and after Sir James"s late speech in which he expressed his entire concurrence.
3. His own utter weakness, calling himself the weakest man in England, who had lost his only friend in Sir R. Peel, and had for the last fifteen years not exercised an independent judgment, but rested entirely on his friend.
4. His disagreement with some of his late colleagues--the Duke of Newcastle, Mr Gladstone, and Mr Sidney Herbert--in religious opinions.
5. His disagreement with Lord John"s Government upon some most important points.
He could not take office with Lord Palmerston as Foreign Secretary, whose policy and mode of conducting business he disapproved, who was now protesting against the admission of Austria into the German Confederation; he disapproved the Papal Aggression Bill, finding it militating against the line which he had taken as Secretary of State with regard to the Roman Catholic Bishops in Ireland, and particularly the Bequest Act, and considering that after Lord John"s letter the Bill would fall short of the high expectations formed in the minds of the English public.
He disapproved of the abolition of the Irish Lord-Lieutenancy, and the making a fourth Secretary of State had been considered by Sir Robert Peel and himself as introducing into England all the Irish malpractices, while Ireland was still kept wholly separate from England.
Lord John had raised a new difficulty by his declaration upon Reform.
He had been thunderstruck when he read the announcement on the part of the chief author of the Reform Bill, who had stood with him (Sir J. Graham) hitherto upon _finality_, condemning his own work, and promising at a year"s distance important alterations, in which interval great agitation would be got up, great expectations raised, and the measure when brought forward would cause disappointment. Sir Robert Peel had always been of opinion that it was most dangerous to touch these questions, but if opened with the consent of the Crown, a measure should at once be brought forward and pa.s.sed.
After my having replied to these different objections, that the Queen felt herself the importance of Lord Palmerston"s removal, and would make it herself a condition with Lord John that he should not be again Foreign Secretary; that the protest to Austria had not gone, and that upon studying the question Sir James would find that the entrance of the whole Austrian Monarchy, while giving France a pretext for war and infringing the Treaties of 1815, would not tend to the strength and unity of Germany, which held to be the true English interest, but quite the reverse; that I did not think the Papal Aggression Bill touched the Bequest Act or militated against toleration; that the Lieutenancy would perhaps be given up, and a measure on the Franchise be considered by the _new_ Government and brought forward at once.
I thought it would be better to discuss the matters with Lord John Russell in the Queen"s presence, who accordingly joined us.
The discussion which now arose went pretty much over the same ground, Lord John agreeing that Lord Palmerston ought to form no difficulty, that the Papal Aggression Bill would be further modified, that the Lieutenancy Bill might be given up, that he agreed to Sir James"s objection to the declaration about reform, but that he had intended to bring forward a measure, if he had been able to get his colleagues to agree to it, that he would be ready to propose a measure at once. This Sir J. Graham thought important as a means of gaining at a General Election, which he foresaw could not be long delayed, whoever formed a Government.
In order to obtain some result from this long debate I summed up what might be considered as agreed upon, viz. That there was _tabula rasa_, and for the new Coalition a free choice of men and measures, to which they a.s.sented, Lord John merely stating that he could not take office without part of his friends, and could not sacrifice his _personal_ declarations. Dinnertime having approached, and Lord Aberdeen having written that he would be with us after nine o"clock, we adjourned the further discussion till then, when they would return.
Whilst the Queen dressed I had an interview with the Duke of Wellington, who had come to dine here, in which I informed him of the nature of our crisis. He expressed his regret and his dread of a Protectionist Government with a Dissolution, which might lead to civil commotion. He could not forgive, he said, the high Tory Party for their having stayed away the other night on Mr Locke King"s Motion, and thus abandoned their own principles; he had no feeling for Lord John Russell"s Cabinet, measures, or principles, but he felt that the Crown and the country were only safe in these days by having the Liberals in office, else they would be driven to join the Radical agitation against the inst.i.tutions of the country.
After dinner we resumed our adjourned debate in my room, at a quarter to ten, with Lord Aberdeen, and were soon joined by Lord John and Sir James Graham. We went over the same ground with him. Lord Stanley"s letter was read and discussed. Lord Aberdeen declared his inability to join in a Protectionist Ministry; he did not pretend to understand the question of Free Trade, but it was a point of honour with him not to abandon it, and now, since Sir R. Peel"s death, a matter of piety.
He thought the danger of a Dissolution on a question of food by the Crown, for the purpose of imposing a tax upon bread, of the utmost danger for the safety of the country. He disapproved the Papal Bill, the abolition of the Lieutenancy, he had no difficulty upon the Franchise, for though he was called a _despot_, he felt a good deal of the Radical in him sometimes.
Lord John put it to Lord Aberdeen, whether _he_ would not undertake to form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen gave no distinct reply.
As Sir James Graham raised nothing but difficulties, though professing the greatest readiness to be of use, and as it was getting on towards midnight, we broke up, with the Queen"s injunction that _one_ of the three gentlemen _must_ form a Government, to which Lord Aberdeen laughingly replied: "I see your Majesty has come into[6] the President de la Republique." Lord John was to see Lord Lansdowne _to-day_ at three o"clock, and would report progress to the Queen at five o"clock.
On one point we were agreed, viz. that the Government to be formed must not be for the moment, but with a view to strength and stability.
ALBERT.
[Footnote 6: _Sic._]
[Pageheading: COMPLICATIONS]
_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._
_23d February 1851._
The Queen has seen Lord Aberdeen and Sir J. Graham, but is sorry to say that her doing so was premature, as they had no opportunity of seeing each other after they left Lord John Russell, and therefore had not considered the Memorandum[7] which Lord John had handed to them.
Lord Aberdeen has in the interval seen Lord Stanley, and declared to him that he must undeceive him as to the possibility of his ever joining a Protection Government. What further resulted from the conversation the Queen would prefer to state to Lord John verbally to-morrow. Perhaps Lord John would come in the forenoon to-morrow, or before he goes to the House; he will be so good as to let her know.
[Footnote 7: With a view of uniting with the Peelites, Lord John drew up a Memorandum, printed in Walpole"s _Lord John Russell_, vol. ii. chap, xxii., with the following points:
A Cabinet of not more than eleven Members.
The present commercial policy to be maintained.
The financial measures of the year to be open to revision.