[Footnote 12: He had had a long naval career. In 1833 he commanded the Portuguese Fleet for Donna Maria, and won a small engagement against Dom Miguel. He was "not submissive"
at Beyrout, where, having command of the land forces, and being told to retire and hand over the command, he advanced and won a victory, resulting in the evacuation of the city. He also disobeyed orders at Acre.]
[Footnote 13: The inadequate results of an appointment which promised so well are described in Parker"s _Sir James Graham_, vol. ii. pp. 229 _et seq_.]
_Queen Victoria to Mr Gladstone._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _17th February 1854._
The Queen has received Mr Gladstone"s letter and memorandum, and had heard from the Prince the further explanation of the grounds upon which he, Mr Gladstone, thinks the new regulations respecting the Civil Service necessary. The Queen, although not without considerable misgivings, sanctions the proposed plan, trusting that Mr Gladstone will do what he can, in the arrangements of the details of it, to guard against the dangers, which she has pointed out in her former letter and through the Prince when he saw Mr Gladstone. A check, for instance, would be necessary upon the admission of candidates to compete for employment, securing that they should be otherwise eligible, besides the display of knowledge which they may exhibit under examination. Without this a young man might be very ineligible, and still after having been proclaimed to the world as first in ability, it would require very strong evidence of misconduct to justify his exclusion by the Government.
[Pageheading: COMPEt.i.tIVE EXAMINATIONS]
_Mr Gladstone to Queen Victoria._
DOWNING STREET, _17th February 1854._
The Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to acknowledge your Majesty"s gracious letter.
He takes blame to himself for having caused your Majesty trouble by omitting to include in his short memorandum an explanation of the phrase "qualified persons."
Experience at the universities and public schools of this country has shown that in a large majority of cases the test of open examination is also an effectual test of character; as, except in very remarkable cases, the previous industry and self-denial, which proficiency evinces, are rarely separated from general habits of virtue.
But he humbly a.s.sures your Majesty that the utmost pains will be taken to provide not only for the majority but for all cases, by the strictest enquiries of which the case will admit; and he has the most confident belief that the securities for character under the system, although they cannot be unerring, will be stronger and more trustworthy than any of which the present method of appointment is susceptible.
_Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _21st February 1854._
MY DEAREST UNCLE,--... War is, I fear, _quite_ inevitable. You will have seen that the Emperor Nicholas has not given a favourable answer to _our Brother_ Napoleon (which I hear has disappointed him extremely, as he expected very great results from it); and the last proposals or attempts made by Buol[14] it is to be hoped will not be accepted by Russia, for France and England could _not_ accept them; but if Austria and Prussia go with us--as we hope they will--the War will only be a local one. Our beautiful Guards sail to-morrow.
Albert inspected them yesterday. George is quite delighted to have a division....
I must now conclude, with Albert"s affectionate love. Believe me always, your devoted Niece,
VICTORIA R.
[Footnote 14: Austrian Premier and Minister of Foreign Affairs.]
[Pageheading: THE BRITISH ARMY]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _24th February 1854._
The Queen must write to Lord Aberdeen on a subject which at this moment appears to her of paramount importance--viz., the augmentation of the Army. The ten thousand men by which it has been ordered to be augmented can hardly be considered to have brought it up to more than an improved PEACE _establishment_, such as we have often had during profound peace in Europe; but even these ten thousand men are not yet obtained. We have nearly pledged ourselves to sending twenty-five thousand men to the East, and this pledge will have to be redeemed.
To keep even such a force up in the field will require a strong, available reserve at home, of which we shall be quite denuded. But we are going to make war upon Russia! encouraging Austria and Prussia to do so likewise, whereby we a.s.sume a moral obligation not to leave them without a.s.sistance. We engage in a War which may a.s.sume in its course a totally different character from that of its beginning. Who can say it is impossible that our own sh.o.r.es may be threatened by powers now in alliance with us? We are powerless for offence or defence without a _trained_ Army; to obtain this will require considerable time. The Queen must, therefore, urge Lord Aberdeen to consider with the Cabinet whether it will not be essential to augment the Army at once, and by at least thirty thousand men. Considerations of home policy make this also advisable; the country is eager for War at this moment, and ready to grant men and money. It will be a great facility hereafter to have obtained what is most needed at first. If the force should finally not be wanted, retrenchments may very easily be made. The Crown should at least have the power of raising the men without the necessity for further application to Parliament.
[Pageheading: THE BRITISH ULTIMATUM]
_The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria._
LONDON, _26th February 1854._
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that another Cabinet was held to-day, in order to consider the draft of a letter which it is proposed that Lord Clarendon should address to Count Nesselrode, and in which he should summon the Russian Government to evacuate the Princ.i.p.alities. The messenger will be directed to wait six days for an answer, and the British Government will consider the refusal or the silence of Count Nesselrode as equivalent to a declaration of War, and proceed to act accordingly.[15]
An a.s.surance has been received, in general terms, of the intention of Austria to support this demand; and a telegraphic message has been sent to Vienna with a desire to know whether the Austrian Government will join in this summons, or in what manner support will be given.[16] No answer has yet been received, and Lord Aberdeen would think it right not to make the summons until Austria has declared her intention; but the Cabinet appears to desire that the letter should be sent to-morrow evening.
The period fixed for the complete evacuation of the Princ.i.p.alities is the 30th of April.
As it cannot be supposed that the Emperor of Russia will listen to such a demand as this, immediate hostilities must be expected, with all their consequences.
[Footnote 15: This summons to evacuate the Princ.i.p.alities, and an ultimatum to a similar purport from Paris, were delivered to the Czar on the 14th of March; on their receipt the Czar intimated that he did not think it fitting (_convenable_) that he should make any reply. His decision was known in London on the 24th.]
[Footnote 16: The att.i.tude of Austria caused great perplexity.
Count Orloff had gone to Vienna to obtain a pledge of neutrality in the event of war, but refused to give the Emperor Francis Joseph satisfactory a.s.surances as to the Czar"s future policy, and, in particular, as to the evacuation of the Princ.i.p.alities at the close of the war. The Austrian Government accordingly announced its intention of acting as circ.u.mstances might dictate, but subsequently limited the a.s.sistance which it now expressed itself willing to give to England and France in insisting upon the evacuation, to diplomatic support.]
_Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen._
BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _26th February 1854._
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen"s letter of this day.
To be able to form a judgment on the important question to which it refers, the Queen would require to be furnished with the exact terms of "the general a.s.surance" which Austria has given with respect to it.
The Queen, however, does not doubt for a moment that the gain of a day or two in making the summons to Russia could not be compared to the advantage of being able to make the summons conjointly with Austria.
She must therefore wish that the answer to the telegraphic message should be awaited before the messenger is sent off.